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RACISM, CAPITALISM AND PANDEMIC IN AUSTRALIA

Photo Above: Police roughly arrest a mother for attempting to visit her children who are residing in one of Melbourne’s locked down public housing towers.

A Deadly Tale of Nationalist Arrogance, Capitalist Greed,
Cold War Fear Mongering and Dog Whistling to Racism

Racism, Capitalism and
Pandemic in Australia

  • “First World” Arrogance and Callous Indifference for the Poor, Ill and Elderly
  • “Herd Immunity” Means Culling of the Herd
  • The Victorian ALP Government’s Cruelly Implemented Lockdown of Public Housing Tenants
  • U.S., Britain, Australia and the Inherent Deficiencies of the Capitalist System
  • The Politically Motivated Selection of Travel Restrictions Caused the Death of Scores of Australians
  • All the Ugliness Comes Out
  • For United Working Class Struggle!

9 July 2020: In just the last week, Australia has had well over a thousand people newly infected with COVID-19. The coronavirus is spreading quickly in Melbourne’s working class suburbs. Migrant workers, in particular, often work in crucial frontline roles – as supermarket workers, cleaners, transport workers, health sector employees etc – where it is harder to protect oneself from catching infectious diseases. Rather than responding to the virus spread in migrant working class areas with compassion and support, the Australian ruling class, from its politicians to its media to its police enforcers, have responded with stigmatisation and cruelty.

Worldwide, the current pandemic has killed over half a million people. Such infectious diseases have caused immense suffering to humans since time immemorial. The H1N1 influenza A pandemic that started in the latter months of World War 1 killed between 21 million and 100 million people! That outbreak “originated” in the U.S. and was then carried by infected troops to Europe [1]. The virus was colloquially known as the “Spanish Flu” but this was only because Spain, a neutral country during the war, did not censor reports on the epidemic.  

The emergence of a disease that causes widespread death is a natural disaster that could “originate” anywhere. Naturally, on sheer probability, a disease is more likely to start in one of the countries with the largest populations. However, speaking about “where a disease started” is a misnomer. For new viruses and bacteria are merely mutations of previously existing ones. These organisms are constantly evolving. Some animal-hosted viruses may jump from animal to human in a form already quite adapted to a human host, while others may mutate within humans for long periods before becoming infectious. Therefore, speaking about “where a virus started” depends on how far you want to go back in time.

The outbreak of an infectious disease is impossible to stop at its source. Before the first people infected become ill enough to seek treatment they would have likely passed the disease onto others. Moreover, before there is enough cases for doctors to notice the new threat, the disease would have spread still further. This is especially the case for COVID-19, which while being truly deadly for many only produces mild symptoms in most. Once there is a spread of a new disease, the amount of suffering that it causes, as with any natural disaster, depends much on the efforts of humans and our social systems. As a result, the level of suffering caused by the new virus has varied greatly from country to country.

All the above indicates just how unscientific was the right-wing Australian government’s proposal for an international “inquiry” focused solely on the “origin” of COVID-19. Those issues are of scientific interest. However, the far more important issue is that part of the pandemic that can actually be controlled: that is once there was an initial spread how effective were the measures taken to contain it. Fortunately, the focus of the government’s proposal was in fair part rejected by most countries [2]. Instead, the World Health Assembly unanimously adopted a resolution to investigate the overall response to the pandemic rather than on only its origins. The Australian government’s rebuffed emphasis, which had been fully backed by the ALP “opposition,” was not simply a scientific error. It was politically motivated. Their aim was to help themselves and their U.S. allies to score propaganda points against China, the world’s largest socialistic country, where they claim that the virus “originated” from (although recent evidence may suggest otherwise). They had another aim too. By getting everyone obsessed with the “origins” of the virus, Australia’s rulers wanted to divert people from the fact that their own response to the pandemic has been deeply flawed and that of their key allies, the U.S. and Britain, downright catastrophic [3] [4].

Australian authorities endlessly boast about their “successful” response to the coronavirus threat. However, their boast is true only in comparison with the likes of the U.S., Brazil, Britain, Russia, Sweden and India which have had really failed responses. Australia’s death toll per resident from the pandemic is now 30% higher than China’s despite Australia having had the huge advantage of having time to prepare for the arrival of the virus [5] [6]. Furthermore, while China has thus far avoided a large second wave, Australia’s second biggest city is experiencing just such a virus resurgence. Moreover, in comparison with some countries with more difficult circumstances, including many of those that share borders with China and, thus, were more vulnerable to a virus spread from Wuhan, the suffering caused by COVID-19 is far worse in Australia. It is important to note that five of the countries that share borders with China have thus far had no deaths from COVID-19 whatsoever!

Three of these countries sharing borders with China and currently having no COVID-19 deaths are socialistic countries like China itself. Those countries are Vietnam, North Korea and Laos [7] [8] [9]. The socialist system, in which the key means of production are under collective ownership, enables resources to be pooled to respond to natural disasters. Nevertheless, two of the countries bordering China that currently have had no coronavirus deaths – Mongolia and Bhutan [10] [11] – are not socialistic. This shows that, although a country burdened by capitalist rule would not be able to replicate the response that socialistic China made had they been faced with similar circumstances of a previously unknown disease spreading quickly, even a capitalist country could, with correct policies, make an effective response provided they had forewarning that the virus was on its way, as Australia certainly did. Other lower income countries have also responded more successfully to the virus than Australian authorities have. Rwanda has had just three COVID-19 deaths so far compared to the 106 in Australia [12].

That COVID-19 has not, at this time, devastated Australia to the extent that it has the U.S and Britain is more due to this country’s geography rather than good management. Firstly, Australia is an island and islands are a lot easier to implement quarantine measures in. Thus, many island nations have fared comparatively well during this pandemic. Many of Australia’s island neighbours have not had a single death from the coronavirus including Fiji and New Caledonia [13] [14]. The second factor that should have made it relatively easy to deal with a virus threat here is the fact that Australia has one of the world’s lowest population densities. This matters, because when people are living more tightly together diseases naturally spread more quickly. Thus, Thailand faced difficult circumstances because not only was she the second country to report a coronavirus case, Thailand has a population density that is 39 times that of Australia. Yet Thailand has had only slightly over half the number of deaths as in Australia, despite having nearly three times Australia’s population [15].

“First World” Arrogance and Callous Indifference for the Poor, Ill and Elderly

The Australian government exaggerated their capacity to deal with the pandemic. On February 28, Morrison insisted that because his government had “acted quickly”, “there is no need for us to be moving towards not having mass gatherings of people” [16]. It took a whole 50 days after Australia had reported its first case before the government implemented any social distancing measures [17] [18]. As professor at the University of New South Wales, Bill Bowtell said of the government’s response [19]:

“Let’s cut to the chase, they were warned 12 weeks ago by WHO and others what was coming. They did not accumulate test kits. They did not accumulate the necessary emergency equipment. They did not undertake a public education campaign. They gave no money to science, no money to research, no money to the International Vaccine Institute, no money to WHO. They diligently did not do anything useful.”

So what drove the leaders of Australia and other “like-minded countries” to be so tardy in responding to COVID-19? Arrogant over-confidence is part of the story. On March 11, still four days before any social distancing measures were implemented, health minister Greg Hunt boasted for the umpteenth time [20] [21] [22] that “we are as well prepared as any country in the world” [23]. In the following two months alone, a further 94 people would tragically lose their lives to the disease in Australia.

The leaders of the imperialist countries were clouded by a condescending attitude to the former colonies and semi-colonies that they saw initially affected by the virus. They saw their own systems as superior. So they thought that they did not need to quickly implement social distancing and urgently build up stocks. Moreover, they swallowed their own propaganda about China. They thought: surely we will be able to respond more effectively than a socialistic country. History sure did prove them wrong!

However, there was also something even more sinister than imperial arrogance that held back the American, Australian and other Western leaders from responding quickly enough to the pandemic. On February 25, Trump made a tweet whose last sentence gave the game away [24]:

“The Coronavirus is very much under control in the USA…. Stock Market starting to look very good to me!”

Trump and his ilk downplayed the virus threat and therefore delayed the implementation of social distancing because they did not want measures that would disrupt business activity and harm the stock market. In short, the U.S. rulers put the profits of capitalists way ahead of the well-being of the masses. This became even more pronounced once it became clear who the virus was especially killing: black and brown people as well as frontline workers who were often from black and migrant communities themselves [25]. Egged on by extreme white supremacists, right-wing politicians demanded the end of lockdowns despite the virus continuing to spread like wildfire. This is what Republican and Democrat state governors have done. As a result, the virus is now spreading even more disastrously in the U.S.

“Herd Immunity” Means Culling of the Herd

In Britain, the unashamed indifference to the loss of lives caused by COVID-19, which in the U.S. was expressed by far-right lunatics, entirely shaped the policy of authorities there in the early phase of the pandemic. In mid-March, the British regime revealed that its “strategy” was to get 60% of the population infected “to build up some kind of herd immunity so more people are immune…” [26] [27]!  This would have resulted in between 400,000 and 1.4 million residents of Britain dying to achieve “herd immunity” so that its economy would not be hurt by second waves of infection! In practice such a pursuit of “herd immunity” actually means a culling of the herd. A culling of those too elderly or ill to any longer pull the cart of the capitalist big wigs. A culling of those working in low-skilled frontline jobs more vulnerable to being infected but whom the exploiting class considers more easily replaceable by other “beasts of burden”. A culling of the poor population living in over-crowded housing where diseases transmit easily and who are thought of as “surplus” herd by a good number of the ruling class.

It was not until late March that the conservative British government led by Boris Johnson changed their strategy and began implementing social distancing. It seems that the ruling class realised that although it was low-paid workers, Britain’s black population and working-class Asian communities that were being hit hardest, even some members of the ruling class were also being affected. Yet by the time that the British regime instituted restrictions on gatherings, over 11,000 people in England alone had already been infected [28]. It was way too late. The disease had already spread rampantly and could no longer be contained easily. That is why, other than for a couple of tiny countries, Britain has the second highest number of deaths per person in the world from the coronavirus [29].

It has been not only countries with conservative governments that implemented callous “herd immunity” strategies. So did the social democrat-run, capitalist state in Sweden. The result was disastrous [30]! The Australian government also seriously flirted with a “herd immunity” policy three months ago. In mid-March, Morrison mentioned “herd immunity” was a reason for keeping schools open [31]. Later, the government pulled back after condemnation from health experts. It seems that the Liberal government’s widely denounced response to last summer’s bushfires has made them concerned to appear like they are showing more support for those who could be impacted by the pandemic. Moreover, with the Peoples Republic of China (PRC) already having taken an approach that put their population health’s ahead of business profits, the Australian regime, obsessed as it is with scoring propaganda points against its socialistic adversary, felt constrained to put a greater weight on curbing the virus than they otherwise would have in order to not to appear callous in comparison. Yet, in capitalist societies the masses face a double-edged sword during a pandemic. On the one hand, governments could delay introducing preventative measures leading to enormous loss of life. Yet if governments do implement social distancing, given that bosses in capitalist states have the unrestricted right to lay off workers, huge numbers of workers lose their jobs or have their number of shifts slashed.

After Australian authorities belatedly implemented some of the necessary measures to curb the pandemic and maintained them for a period, as lockdowns ate into business profits, capitalists, big and small, clamoured for a rapid re-opening. As a result the federal government and state Liberal and ALP governments alike, who ultimately all serve the capitalist class, engaged in a risky rollback of measures even while significant levels of infections remain in the community. In the two weeks prior to most of Australia beginning major re-opening on June 1, this country with a population of 25 million had 144 new cases [32] [33]. By contrast, in the two weeks prior to China’s significant re-opening of the worst affected city of Wuhan on April 8, that country had 580 new cases [5] in a country with a population 57 times larger than Australia’s. That means that Australian governments attempted a rollback of social distancing when the virus was spreading 14 times more intensely than it was in China when she implemented similar re-openings. This recklessly quick re-opening is the primary cause of Melbourne’s second wave of infections.

The Victorian ALP Government’s Cruelly Implemented
Lockdown of Public Housing Tenants

Among those hardest hit by the virus second wave are public housing tenants living in tower blocks. This is due to the negligence of the Daniel Andrews-led, Victorian Labor government. Victorian authorities failed to ensure adequate disinfection of common areas in these towers. Even regular cleaning of such common areas is minimal as governments across Australia cut down spending on public housing maintenance in order to help fund tax cuts for the rich and ever increasing budgets for police, ASIO and the military. Since COVID-19 struck, large public housing blocks have only been provided with one hand sanitiser dispenser per tower, if at all, and these are often left empty [34]. What has also made tenants especially vulnerable to virus transmission is that they have often been made to stay in over-crowded units because successive Labor and Liberal governments across the country have sold off so much public housing that those able to access it have had to accept being squeezed into tiny apartments.

After residents in public housing blocks were inevitably hit with the consequences of such negligence, the Andrews government responded by banning thousands of residents in public housing towers in Flemington and North Melbourne from leaving their units. The harsh manner in which authorities have implemented the hard lockdown indicates that this measure is not mainly about trying to genuinely protect the low income public housing tenants, many of whom are from African, Middle Eastern, Asian and Islander backgrounds. Public health workers were not sent in to explain the decision or to inform tenants of what needed to be done to protect their lives. Instead, residents first knew that they were being locked in when large hordes of police appeared at their buildings and started stopping residents from leaving. Given that many of the tenants have previously suffered racist harassment from Australian cops – and some earlier from refugee detention centre guards – the presence of massive numbers of police keeping them locked up has been very frightening for many of the locked down tenants. These police have been rude and harsh. Over the first two days of the lockdown, they even prevented volunteers and friends from leaving food, medicine and other supplies for hungry tenants to pick up [35]. Most despicably, police brutally arrested a member of a charity trying to leave food for residents. It was only after loud protests from social workers that police released their hold on the arrested charity worker as the terrified dark skinned man cried out desperately, “I can’t breathe.” Police have also arrested frustrated tenants trying to hold impromptu protests against the cruelty of lockdown conditions.

Victorian police arrest a charity worker who was attempting to leave behind food for tenants in a locked down Melbourne public housing tower. During the arrest, as the police subjected him to brutal force, the dark-skinned man cried out desperately, “I can’t breathe.” Thanks to the protests of a social worker who was videoing the incident and others, the police finally eased their dangerous hold on the charity worker.
Photo Credit: Tigist Kebede – Instagram
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Tenants have been left hungry and scared after the supplies of food and other essentials promised by the government did not even start to be provided until some 36 to 48 hours after the start of the lockdown. When supplies finally arrived they were often grossly inadequate to feed families in the apartments. The food deliveries typically consisted of tins of out of date food. Fresh food and vegetables were not provided. The only decent meals that some locked down residents were finally able to receive came through the generous efforts of volunteer social organisations and trade unions.

A photo taken by a locked down tenant of the food deliveries given by the Victorian government to public housing tenants subjected to a hard lockdown. The authorities provided no fresh food. Weetbix was given but there was no milk. A can of tuna was provided but there was no bread. As well as being of poor quality, not very healthy at all and often out of date, the food provided was often woefully inadequate for families.

In the midst of a pandemic we support restrictions genuinely made to protect people from being infected. However, aside from the incredible cruelty at the way that this lockdown has been implemented and the stigmatisation involved with only applying a hard lockdown to low-income tenants who are overwhelmingly people of colour, its actual value in terms of protecting residents is questionable. With the coronavirus likely to spread through aerosol droplets and with low-income tenants unable to afford the heating expenses that would arise from keeping their windows open to let infected air disperse, having COVID positive and negative cases alike locked into cramped tiny apartments in a packed tower block is a recipe for virus spread both within households and through airflow under and around doors from room to room. If authorities were actually serious about protecting Melbourne public housing residents they would ensure that infected people could be moved into safer quarantine at hospitals or hotels. It seems that this lockdown is not about protecting the interests of tenants but has more than a whiff of being a measured aimed at sacrificing the well-being of low-income, overwhelmingly non-white skinned residents in order to stop the virus spreading to wealthier neighbourhoods.

The contrast between this Melbourne hard lockdown of public housing and the earlier lockdown in China’s hard-hit Wuhan could not be more different. Firstly, that lockdown in Wuhan did not single out low-income people but applied equally to everyone regardless of how wealthy they were. Moreover, the success of that lock down was achieved because, after Chinese health experts realised how easily the virus spreads among family members and among residents in the same apartment blocks, PRC authorities moved all COVID positive people into hospitals both to give them proper care and to ensure that they did not unwittingly transmit the virus onto others. Thirdly, rather than being implemented through police repression, the Wuhan lockdown was based on grass-roots mobilisation. Teams consisting of volunteers, neighbourhood collective representatives and community workers went door to door to explain pandemic measures and ascertain residents’ needs. As a result the overwhelming majority of people complied with measures. In the tiny percentage of cases where a person tried to violate lockdowns it was primarily these grassroots forces rather than police who would enforce measures. Therefore, those who tried to violate Wuhan’s lockdown were, for the most part, not arrested but usually escorted – and in a very small number of cases literally dragged – back to their homes by grassroots activists who were often their very own neighbours. Harsh police repression in China was really only meted out – and rightly so – to business owners trying to profiteer from the crisis by jacking up prices. Fourthly, the PRC government and local Communist Party branches ensured that Wuhan residents were actually given the supplies promised including fresh fruit and vegetables. Social media photos show many people there eating famously tasty Chinese meals during their lockdown.

Perhaps the biggest difference between the hard lockdown of certain public housing towers in Melbourne and the earlier lockdown in Wuhan is in the differing attitudes of the ruling establishments in the two countries to the locked down residents. Here, locked down tenants have been subjected to despicable racist and anti-working class insults by white supremacist politicians like Pauline Hanson and by right-wing mainstream media outlets. In contrast, China’s state media heaped praise on the residents of Wuhan for enduring a lockdown that would reduce the spread of the virus to other parts of China and would buy time for the rest of the world to respond to the virus threat. Iconic Chinese landmarks in major cities were lit up with signs expressing solidarity with the people of Wuhan [36]. China’s president repeatedly praised Wuhan’s people as “heroic” [37]. We suggest that people don’t hold their breadth waiting for Scott Morrison to praise the locked down public housing residents of Melbourne as “heroic” or for the Sydney Opera House to light up with a solidarity message for these tenants!

U.S., Britain, Australia and the Inherent Deficiencies of the Capitalist System

Even if governments in the U.S.A, Australia and other Western countries hypothetically set aside their disdain for the interests of working class people and their racial bias and truly sought to implement all the policies necessary to suppress the coronavirus threat, the amount that they could actually achieve is hampered by the structure of their societies. In capitalist societies the key means of production are owned by wealthy individual capitalists with total “freedom” to determine production. In the manufacturing sector, these capitalist bosses largely calculated that it was not profitable enough for them to quickly switch over their production to make vitally needed pandemic relief goods. The few that did mostly did so too slowly. As a result, in the crucial early period of the pandemic here, health workers were bitterly complaining about the shortage of masks and other PPE (personal protective equipment). Ironically, given the Morrison regime’s attacks on China over the pandemic, the medical mask shortage was only relieved after the Australian government procured a big quantity of masks from China in mid-April [38]. However, there remains an inadequate amount of protective suits here. Therefore, Australian health workers and others working in areas of high risk of contracting, or passing on, COVID-19 have often not been able to wear the highly effective head-to-toe, spacesuit-style protective gear that nurses, doctors and sanitation workers in socialistic China were equipped with. This is a major cause of the deadly virus spread centered around Tasmania’s North West Regional Hospital three months ago and the later outbreak at Anglicare Sydney’s nursing home in Penrith. It is also the key reason for the clusters of cases that originated when the virus jumped from returned travelers quarantined at Melbourne’s Stamford Plaza onto contractors working at the hotel.

Similarly, in the crucial earlier period of the pandemic, there were not enough testing kits available. Even people with symptoms could not get tested unless they had recently returned from overseas or if they had contact with a known case. As a result the virus spread here in that period partly undetected.

The Politically Motivated Selection of Travel Restrictions
Caused the Death of Scores of Australians

On February 1, Canberra banned non-citizens and non-permanent residents from any part of China from entering Australia. This is despite China having already quarantined off Wuhan and other hard hit cities in Hubei Province, meaning that people from the part of China where the virus was concentrated could not enter Australia anyway. At the end of February, the Australian government continued to maintain this travel ban specifically only on all of China. Yet by then, the coronavirus was spreading much more quickly in South Korea [39] and Italy [40] than in China outside of quarantined-off Hubei. One did not even need to look at China’s data to know this. At the end of February, Australia’s Deputy Chief Medical Officer, Professor Paul Kelly, informed that of the 40,000 people re-entering Australia from China in February not one single person had tested positive for COVID-19 [41].

Now we do not seek the “evening out” of xenophobic measures by having travel bans introduced more uniformly! We are opposed to outright bans on foreign nationals from any country. We note that, despite the virus being far better contained in China today than in almost every other large country, China itself has not imposed an outright ban on arrivals from any country. However, in cases of a pandemic where there is a significantly higher prevalence of a disease in an overseas country then it is reasonable for measures to be taken to screen arrivals from that country and place them into quarantine for a period.

It was not until March 1 that the Australian government introduced restrictions on arrivals from another country other than China. But that country was again a state whom the Australian government saw as an adversary (although in this case not a socialistic country)! That country was Iran, the country whom the Australian government sought to intimidate in January by joining a threatening U.S. naval operation in waters
nearby to Iran. The Australian state’s selective adoption of Iran as the second country from whom arrivals would face special restrictions seemed to be motivated, at least in part, by an effort to create fear of Iran. After all, while Iran had 733 cases in the three days prior to the ban [42], South Korea and Italy which both have smaller populations had, respectively, 1,970 cases [39] and 1,047 cases [40] in that same period.

Finally on March 5, the Australian government imposed a travel ban on a country that was not an adversary: that is, South Korea. However, while capitalist South Korea is certainly an ally of Australian imperialism, nevertheless as a rule Koreans are still not white. So for a regime cynically selecting the countries that it imposes travel bans on out of political considerations, they no doubt saw listing South Korea as at least subtly contributing to a fear of Asians. The Morrison government sees such underhanded fear-mongering as “useful” in order to divert people’s frustrations at the lack of secure jobs, the shortage of affordable rental accommodation and other hardships caused by their system onto a soft target.

Meanwhile, by the time that the travel ban on South Korea was imposed, the virus was spreading more than a hundred times faster per person in Italy than in China [5] [40]. Yet the Australian government was delaying introducing any quarantine requirements on arrivals from Italy while maintaining a travel ban on arrivals from China. On March 9, Australia’s chief medical officer, Brendan Murphy, struggled to answer reporters’ questions on why the ban was imposed on China but not Italy [43]. Murphy stated that, “… we know we can’t really just put bans in place for an increasing number of countries.” But why choose to have the ban on China and not other countries when the virus was actually spreading massively faster in those other countries – arrivals from which Australia did not even then require to self-quarantine?  Perhaps Murphy struggled with the question because it was the Morrison government that pressured the health bureaucrats to “advise” such a politically-motivated choice of countries to impose travel bans on. On the other hand, it could simply be that these highly paid bureaucrats see the world through the same lens as the rich people’s government they serve under.

It was only on March 11 as the death rate in Italy soared even more alarmingly that the government imposed the same measures on arrivals from Italy that were imposed on those from China. In the meantime, the coronavirus was also now spreading much faster in other European countries and in the U.S. than it was in China. In the three days up to March 15, for example, Germany, which has a population 17 times smaller than China’s, had 3068 new cases [44] as opposed to just 47 in all of China. Meanwhile, in Spain the number of new cases in the previous three days was 3,200 times higher per person than in China [45] [5]. Yet it was not until March 20 that the Morrison government placed the same restrictions on entrants from other countries that it had imposed on arrivals from China seven weeks previously.

The delay by the government in introducing any quarantining of people entering from the virus-ravaged United States and Europe, even while maintaining a China travel ban, led to some spectacular instances of “First World” arrivals spreading the virus here. Many cases can be traced back to a high-society party in the U.S. luxury resort of Aspen hosted by Australian tycoon and Liberal Party powerbroker, Andrew Abercrombie [46]. Around a dozen of the rich attendees, many of whom were Victorians, contracted the virus there. The infected Australians then returned in March and spread the virus to dozens upon dozens of others. One couple, confirmed as being infected at the high-society event, defied directions and visited shops in Victoria’s Mornington Peninsula, likely causing the sudden outbreak of 35 cases in the area. Another person from the U.S. resort cluster infected many others after attending a 21st birthday party in a wealthy Melbourne suburb [47]. However, she was merely following the health advice at the time, which did not require arrivals from the U.S. to even self-isolate. Earlier, in events un-connected to the Aspen party, a doctor returning to Melbourne from the U.S. with a runny nose then treated 70 patients before being diagnosed with COVID-19 a week after his arrival [48]. However, it is not the doctor who was only at fault here. Well into March, the Australian government was still asking only people who arrived from certain “high-risk countries” (which they then deemed to be only China, Iran and South Korea) to get tested should they have symptoms.

Prior to the implementation of quarantining of arrivals from all countries, Australian passengers from cruise ships, which had already proven to be petri dishes of disease growth, were also often not tested upon arrival. On March 19, Australian authorities failed to screen 2,700 passengers, many of whom were ill, who disembarked from the Ruby Princess cruise ship.  The hapless passengers then infected others when they travelled home on trains, buses and flights. At least twenty-two passengers ended up dying from COVID-19. People infected aboard the ship also unwittingly passed the virus onto staff at Tasmania’s North West Hospital, starting a massive outbreak in the region.

Passengers walk away after getting off the Ruby Princess cruise ship docked at Sydney’s Circular Quay. Although many passengers were known to be sick aboard the ship, Australian authorities did not apply any screening, testing or quarantine to any passengers when they alighted from the ship on March 19. As a result, infected passengers unwittingly transmitted the disease onto others – including triggering the North-West Tasmania outbreak that tragically took eleven lives. In order to single out and demonise socialistic China, the Australian government delayed introducing the quarantine restrictions applied to travellers from China onto arrivals from cruise ships, Europe and America, even after it became very obvious that the rate of virus spread in these regions was hundreds of times faster than it was in China by then. On the day that passengers left the Ruby Princess, arrivals from cruise ships, Europe and America were not subject to the same restrictions as arrivals from China. This distortion of health policy to meet Cold War agendas led to travellers from Europe, America and cruise ships unwittingly spreading the virus in large amounts within Australia, unnecessarily causing the deaths of dozens and dozens of people and greatly increasing the level of job losses caused by the pandemic.

The fact is that a large proportion of cases came into Australia from America, Europe or cruise ships. Just how large? Up to April 30, the last day that Australian authorities published the chart “confirmed cases who acquired COVID-19 overseas by region” [49], a whopping 85% of all overseas acquired cases entered from the Americas, Europe or cruise ships! Given that Australian Department of Health data showed that up to April 30 there were in total 4,295 overseas acquired cases [50], this meant that 3,651 coronavirus-infected people entered Australia from Europe, America or cruise ships up to April 30. By contrast, the department’s infographic [49] showed that just 36 cases (a tiny 0.83% of all overseas acquired cases) entered from the entire North-East Asian region that includes China as well as South Korea and Japan! It is worth noting too that since arrivals from China had been carefully screened from the very start of the pandemic and that those still able to enter after the travel ban were forced to quarantine, arrivals from China did not cause any of the virus spread within Australia at all. The opposite was true, however, for arrivals from Europe and America. This is especially the case for the nearly two thousand infected people who arrived from these regions prior to the implementation of concentrated quarantining on March 29. Not only were they not required to even undergo home quarantining until mid-March (unlike arrivals from China, Iran and later South Korea), authorities did not even tell them to get tested until well into March even if they had symptoms! As a result many did not even know that they were infected until much later and, thus, passed the virus onto others. Other than for the likes of the upper class snobs returning from the high society Aspen party who refused directions to self-quarantine, this was of course not their fault at all. These people, just like the Ruby Princess passengers, were themselves victims of government policy. Not knowing that they were at high risk meant that they did not seek out early treatment meaning that their symptoms often became worse than they should have. Nevertheless, it was these thousands of COVID-19 cases arriving from Europe and America, along with infections caused by the Ruby Princess that became the source of most of the community transmission within Australia in its first wave.

The Australian government’s own data showed that the overwhelming majority of overseas acquired coronavirus cases entered Australia from Europe, America or cruise ships. By the end of April 2020, just a tiny 0.8% of cases entered Australia from the entire North-East Asian region that includes China and also South Korea & Japan. This proportion is even lower today.

Australian authorities were well aware that COVID-19 was mostly entering from Europe and America. Why then did they not move to stop the importation of cases from these regions much sooner even as they maintained a travel ban on China well after she had almost completely suppressed the virus threat?  Certainly there must have been some First World chauvinism – and a degree of underlying racial prejudice – at play. But that cannot fully explain a policy so at variance with the science. There was a factor still more sinister. For in order to achieve their goal of portraying Red China negatively, the Australian regime had to maintain their specific travel ban on only China for as long as possible. And then when they were compelled to have to bring in quarantining measures on other countries, they needed to ensure that this was implemented on as few countries as possible so that as much suspicious focus could still be maintained on China. Australia’s capitalist exploiting class are obsessed with demonising socialistic China because they want to make the Australian masses acquiesce to the Australian regime’s authoritarian moves to increase the powers of the ASIO secret police, further increase funding for spy agencies and arm their military with $270 billion of new long-range missiles.

In a major speech three weeks ago, foreign minister Marise Payne, stung by China calling out rampant racism within Australia, said that “disinformation” during the pandemic “will cost lives.” She was right! Except that disinformation is coming not from China but from the Australian regime – most notably through using the skewed application of country-specific quarantine measures – and is aimed at misleading people into thinking that the main danger of virus importation was from China. This distortion of pandemic policy to meet Cold War disinformation agendas cost the lives of dozens of Australians who would not have caught the disease from community transmission had authorities taken the scientifically mandated course of introducing earlier testing and quarantining of arrivals from the U.S., Italy, Germany, Britain etc. Let’s not forget, however, that it is not only the Morrison government that is culpable here. As Anthony Albanese has often remarked, “the Labor Party was at one with the government on this one.”

All the Ugliness Comes Out

Assisted by the daily negative stories about socialistic China spread by the tycoon and government-owned media, the false impression that the Morrison regime created that COVID-19 was introduced into Australia by arrivals from China was a shot in the arm for those already filled with white supremacist prejudice. These boosted-up racists then proceeded to unleash a horrific wave of physical attacks, abuse and threats of violence against ethnic Chinese people throughout Australia. Other people of Asian background have inevitably also been targeted.

In the face of the Chinese government warning its tourists and international students of the danger of racist attack in Australia, the Morrison government has tried to greatly downplay the threat to Asian people posed by racist violence.  For those living in fear of copping such attacks this is infuriating to even be denied recognition of what they are going through. Of course, the government, the ALP opposition and top bureaucrats earlier did manage to on a rare occasion state that they were “appalled” by reports of racist assaults. However, the government and the opposition knew full well that such attacks would be the inevitable result of their earlier insistence on singling out China in the application of travel restrictions and of their later crude attempts to join hard right bigot Trump in blaming China for the pandemic. Their behaviour can be compared to that of state governments throughout this country who help throw tens of thousands of people into homelessness by selling off low-rent public housing … but then try to look good by providing some modest funding for homelessness services!

If the powers that be wanted to they could let the tyres out of the far-right drive to incite hatred against Asian people. They could simply explain to people the facts about where COVID-19 actually entered this country from. However, although Morrison did on one day casually drop the truth that a lot of cases were coming from the U.S., politicians from all the parliamentary parties refused to inform the public what a tiny proportion of overseas-acquired cases originated from China. Of course, it should not matter what country a disease is transmitted from. Viruses do not carry passports! To blame any country or people for the entry of a virus is no more valid than blaming the people of a country through which a cyclone that entered Australia had previously passed. However, in the context of there being a terrifying level of racist violence against people of Chinese appearance and the prior existence of widespread bigotry in Australia against Asian people, explaining the truth that arrivals from China did not spread the virus into the community at all is vitally needed. Instead, Australian authorities moved to actually censor their own infographic that proved this fact. From the beginning of May, the Department of Health, without explanation, suddenly stopped showing on its website the pie chart, “confirmed cases who acquired COVID-19 overseas by region.” Although largely ignored by most of the mainstream media, the department had been publishing the chart daily up to that time. Moreover, a few days after they stopped showing the chart, the department obliterated the chart from its own archives so that it could no longer be found unless someone had earlier saved the exact web address of the infographic! It is very likely that the Australian regime censored its own previously published data because it undermined their attempts to blame China for the virus spread here (see: https://www.trotskyistplatform.com/australian-data-proves-chinas-pandemic-response-success/). An inevitable by-product of that censorship is that it helped extreme racists to fill the vacuum of facts with divisive lies.

Now more than ever, people need to be told the facts that stand out from the Australian regime’s censored infographic: that just 0.7% of all overseas acquired cases in Australia arrived from Sub-Saharan Africa, just over 2% from North Africa and the Middle East and just 7.5% from all of Asia, whereas seventeen out of every twenty cases entered from Europe, America or cruise ships. These facts need to be known because racist politicians, Rupert Murdoch’s Sky News and right-wing shock jobs have been disgustingly blaming Asian, African, Muslim and Middle Eastern communities for the renewed virus spread in Melbourne. The entire mainstream media have fed into this racist upsurge by selectively choosing to report on the source country of an infected returned traveller almost exclusively only when that person happens to arrive from Asia, the Middle East and Africa, which is only where a small minority of cases have arrived from. Victoria’s Labor health minister, Jenny Mikakos, was guilty of the same thing last month when she stated that many of the COVID-infected returned travellers had arrived from India, Pakistan and Bangladesh [51]. Had she ever bothered to inform us earlier that the overwhelming majority of returned travellers infected with the virus then were arriving from Europe and America?! And although the Victorian ALP premier, in deference to his party’s working class base, has framed his hard lockdown of public housing residents in heavily migrant areas as a measure aimed to protect tenants, the brutally repressive manner in which it was implemented was an obvious play to redneck elements and will surely encourage white supremacist sentiments. The reality of all of these coded and open appeals to racist prejudices is that the horrific violence and abuse that rednecks have unleashed against Chinese and other East Asian people throughout this pandemic is likely to now also be turned against people of African, Muslim, South Asian, Pacific Islander and Middle Eastern backgrounds.

Meanwhile, two weeks ago, the Australian ruling class focussed on attacking yet another scapegoat for the spike in COVID-19 infections. Health minister Hunt ridiculously claimed that the mass anti-racist protests held last month were to blame [52]. This despite his own top health official saying the very opposite [53]. It is not surprising that the Australian government would make this accusation. After all, despite Hunt’s devious claim that he thought the “subject matter” of the protests “noble”, these very necessary protests were aimed not only against killer cops but against his racist, right-wing government and against racist state governments of all stripes. The truth is that not only have just four people who attended the Black Lives Matter rallies been found to have COVID-19, none of these people actually picked up the virus at the protests. The Black Lives Matter marches were outdoor events where dispersal of droplets into open air reduces the probability of virus spread. Far more dangerous is the crowding of people into indoor shops, bars and restaurants. Yet while Liberal and ALP federal and state governments tried desperately to quell the anti-racist protests aimed against them, they have been cavalier in allowing people to again crowd into dangerous, virus-spreading indoor environments.

So as you can see, the oft-repeated assertion by governments and media that “Australians have come together at this time of crisis” is simply not true. To be sure, many working class people, especially trade unionists shaped by an understanding of the need for collective action and solidarity, have responded to the crisis by upholding pandemic suppression regulations and by volunteering their time to help neighbours in need. However, many a capitalist boss has failed to provide adequate PPE for their workers or otherwise ensure COVID-safe workplace environments. Moreover, as soon as business owners were hit with any loss in revenue, these bosses did not hesitate to lay off or cut the shifts of the very workers whose toil over the years made these capitalists their fortunes. Meanwhile, some self-employed tradies, imbued with the individualistic spirit of small business owners, have continued to do jobs when pandemic restrictions have been in place and have done so in a way that recklessly ignores social distancing directives.

The dog-eat-dog nature of the capitalist economic system has created a self-centred culture that shows its most harmful side at times like these. Many people in Australia violated coronavirus social-distancing rules. This included not only beach goers but often people of wealth and power. There were not only the super-rich people returning to Victoria infected from the U.S. Aspen high society party but also Australian defence soldiers [54] and officers and recruits of the Australian Federal Police [55] who grossly violated pandemic response measures. Of course, the media and parliamentarians never highlighted that most of those violators happened to be white-skinned. Nor should they. However, when they then only focus on the ethnicity of a person who breaches social distancing guidelines when that person happens to be a person of colour, then these influencers of public opinion are consciously acting to foment racist hostility to already victimized communities.

For United Working Class Struggle!

All the prejudice and selfishness within capitalist Australian society has certainly come to the fore during this pandemic. However, something very different has been on display too. This has been evident over the last few days in the way that our trade unions, the Australian Muslim Social Services Agency, the Sikh Volunteers Australia and other community groups have organised food and supplies for locked down public housing residents in Melbourne. Such mutual aid amongst working class people and victimised ethnic groups points to the possibility of something much more powerful: working class people and all the oppressed uniting in action to oppose the racist scapegoating, fight for the measures actually needed to curb the virus spread and struggle to ensure that working class people are not made to carry the economic burden of the pandemic.

Trade unionists work with the Australian Muslim Social Services Agency to deliver food and supplies to locked down Melbourne public housing tenants. Such mutual aid amongst working class people and victimised ethnic groups points to the possibility of something much more powerful: working class people and all the oppressed uniting in action to oppose racist scapegoating, fight for the measures actually needed to curb the virus spread and struggle to ensure that working class people are not made to carry the economic burden of the pandemic.
Photo credit: Victoran Trades Hall Council Facebook page

Right now we must especially stand by our sisters and brothers locked down in Melbourne public housing towers by demanding:

  • Police out of the public housing neighbourhoods! Send in public health and community workers instead!
  • The same quality food for locked down public housing tenants as those given to the more affluent returned travellers who had been quarantined in five-star hotels.
  • For all locked down public housing tenants to be given the option of serving their quarantine in luxury five-star hotels with all expenses provided. Let them stay in more spacious, safer rooms! Let those forced into a hard lockdown enjoy good conditions instead of being stigmatised and forced to endure further hardship!
  • For all electricity and gas charges to be removed until the end of winter. Let tenants turn on their heaters in full so that they can open the windows and let infected air disperse safely.
  • No to discriminatory imposition of hard lockdowns on public housing tenants!

More broadly the workers movement and all our allies need to fight for:

  • Mandatory temperature testing of everyone attending workplaces of more than two people.
  • Paid pandemic sick leave for all workers (including those currently casuals) and the immediate conversion to permanency of all those currently employed as casuals.
  • Secure jobs for all workers. That means demanding firstly that those companies still profitable – including supermarkets, construction firms and manufacturers – be forced to increase hiring at the expense of their profits; and secondly that the owners of previously profitable companies that are experiencing reduced operations be forced to pay their workers in full out of the massive profits that they have leached from these workers over the years.

Such a program can only be won through mass struggle against the capitalist exploiters and their governments. To advance this struggle it is vital that we discredit the capitalist regime by exposing just how flawed and anti-working class has been their response to the pandemic. The fact is that especially given that this land is both an island and a country with a low population density, other than for those who caught the virus abroad and could not be saved once they entered here, there should have either been just a tiny handful of COVID-19 deaths here or none at all.  That people are now dying in a virus second wave is caused by Australian governments winding back social distancing measures too quickly, in deference to their capitalist masters, by their all-round neglect of the health and housing needs of public housing tenants and by the inability of the profit-driven system to ensure sufficient PPE for frontline workers. The first wave, on the other hand, was mainly caused by the Australian regime delaying introduction of mandatory testing and quarantining of arrivals from Europe, America and cruise ships and they did this in order to ensure that, for as long as possible, the focus of travel bans would be on China. As a result of this manoeuvre to create fear of socialistic China amongst the population, the virus was allowed to be brought into the community from Europe, America and cruise ships in large doses in late February and March and spread dangerously from there on in. Australia’s capitalist rulers caused dozens of people to die who otherwise would have been alive today – including the nineteen residents who tragically died at the Anglicare nursing home in Western Sydney and the eleven people who perished from the Ruby Princess-triggered North-West Tasmanian outbreak. Those close to the people who died should be furious that their precious family members and friends perished because the Australian regime distorted health policy to meet its Cold War agenda. So should all the workers who have been retrenched or lost shifts because the pandemic has been allowed to spread into the community far more widely than it should have.

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The Connection between Political Donations and the Sell-Off of Public Housing in Inner City Sydney

Stop the Sell-Off of Public Housing – Massively Increase It Instead!

The Connection between Political Donations and the Sell-Off of Public Housing in Inner City Sydney

1 May 2019 – A look at the registry of political donations to the NSW Liberal Party shows that the governing party in NSW accepted donations from real estate companies just when government decisions related to these companies’ participation in the government’s sell-off of public housing in inner city Sydney were being made. In each case the rich businesses making the donations ended up getting favourable government decisions. Those decisions have resulted in their wealthy owners making or standing to make mega bucks. This information provides hard data that helps confirm what people seriously looking at the public housing sell-off already know: that the NSW government’s sell off of public housing in the Millers Point, Rocks and Dawes Point area was not motivated by any concern for the interests of the working class majority of NSW but instead was driven by the wish to satisfy the interests of rich business owners.

It is now over five years since the NSW state government announced that it was selling off nearly 300 public housing dwellings in the Millers Point, Rocks and Dawes Point area. Sadly they have already completed their sell-offs of public housing in Millers Point – except for 24 properties that they reluctantly agreed to maintain as public housing in a minor concession to the demands of the tenants movement. They are yet to sell-off the Sirius Building which formerly had 79 public housing units there. However, the government has already driven off all the former public housing tenants from that building – many of whom were elderly women. The real estate agents that the Coalition government have contracted to sell-off Sirius is Savills (NSW) Pty Ltd. On 7 December 2017, the NSW government and Savills first publicly announced that Savills had been awarded the contract to sell Sirius and opened registrations of interest for the building to developers and investors [1]. A filed Major Political Donor form shows that just over nine months earlier, on 27 February 2017 – that is, right in the period when one would expect the government to have been considering which real estate company should be given the contract to sell Sirius – Savills donated nearly $4,000 to the NSW Division of the Liberal Party [2].  The $3,960 donation was made at an “Alan Jones Luncheon” – yikes!

Savills and the NSW Liberal government would, no doubt, have liked to be able to respond that Savills are a regular donor and the timing of that nearly $4,000 donation is just pure coincidence. Except that Savills are not a regular donor to the NSW Liberal Party! Not at all! A search done on the NSW Electoral Commission registry of political donations [3] shows that in the almost ten year period from August 2008 – when political donations were first recorded in detail – until the end of June 2018 (i.e. the end of the last reporting period before this article was written), Savills never made any other donation to the NSW Liberal Party at all. In other words, over at least a ten year period, Savills never donated a solitary cent to the NSW Liberal Party, except around the time when the Liberal government was considering whether to grant them the lucrative contract to sell Sirius. That makes that nearly $4,000 donation highly questionable!

However, if the above referred donation did indeed facilitate Savills winning the contract to sell Sirius, it was a “good” “investment” from the greedy point of view of capitalist bosses. After all, with average commissions in Sydney at around roughly 2.2% and an expected sale price for the building of around $150 million, Savills would stand to make about $3.3 million from the sale. So, if a $3,960 donation helps to make $3.3 million in revenue … that’s some hefty rate of return! There is, additionally, an interesting side point to this donation concerning a possible attempt to conceal the timing of the donation – see Note [4] at the end of this article for a discussion of this possible issue.

Savills bosses are not the only people that stand to profit from the sell-off of public housing in the Millers Point and Rocks area and who made donations to the NSW Liberal Party. While Savills have the contract to sell the Sirius building, more than 85% of the $608 million worth of public housing in Millers Point was sold off by McGrath Real Estate [5]. And just like Savills, McGrath Real Estate also made big donations to the NSW Liberal Party just around the time when they were awarded lucrative contracts to auction the public housing units that the state government was putting up for sale. In particular, within the space of 10 days between 26 January 2015 and 6 February 2015, McGrath Real Estate entities made two separate donations to the NSW Liberal Party totalling $2,210 [6]. These donations were just around the time when the auction of public housing dwellings in Millers Point was being ramped up and the government was about to determine which estate agents received the bountiful contracts for further auctions (see for example [7]). Telling, too, are the results of a search done on the Electoral Commission registry for any McGrath Real Estate donations to the Liberal Party in the almost ten year period up until the June 2018 end of the latest reported disclosure period. This search revealed that McGrath entities made no other donations whatsoever to the NSW Liberal Party during those ten years. In other words, just as with Savills, the NSW Liberal Party only received donations from McGrath Real Estate around the time when they awarded the latter lucrative government contracts to be agents for the sell-off of inner city public housing. And again, this fact only makes the receipt of those particular donations even more questionable. Of course, from the point of view of the profit-hungry McGrath Real Estate bosses, donating to the governing party would make sense if that would help “facilitate” the winning of contracts to sell off the public housing. Assuming a typical commission rate of 2.2%, the contracts they were awarded to auction off Millers Point public housing would have netted them over $11 million in revenue.

Public Housing Sell-Off: A Boon for Real Estate Bosses, Developers and Speculators,
A Disaster for Working Class People

It is not only real estate agent bosses that have profited handsomely from the sell-off of public housing in the Millers Point and Rocks areas of Sydney. The main direct beneficiaries of this anti-working class privatisation were the wealthy investors and speculators who bought up the sold off properties. One of these is Shane Moran, the owner of ultra-high-end aged care operator, Provectus Care. Shane Moran is one of the heirs to the Moran family fortune and lives in a 60-room mansion in Darling Point called Swifts which is valued at between $50 million to $100 million! In late February 2016, Moran bought one of the largest sold off public properties in Millers Point, Darling House, for $7.7 million. Darling House had been a retirement home for low income elderly people. However, soon after the government announced its intention to sell-off all public housing in Millers Point, it scrapped a 20 year agreement that enabled the community-run facility to have lower rents, forcing the facility to close. After buying the property, Shane Moran made no secret of his intention to turn the building into a high-end aged care facility for the rich [8]. A similar facility he runs at Rose Bay charges an upfront fee of more than $2 million for each resident and then a “service fee” of $104 per day! So what happened to Darling House actually typifies exactly what the sell-off of public housing in Millers Point is all about. Here, a community-run aged care home for low income people was closed and has been replaced by an aged care facility affordable only to the very wealthy and where its filthy rich owner will stand to make huge profits (by the way, there are questions to be asked about donations to the NSW Liberal Party made by an elder brother and possibly other relatives of Shane Moran – and possibly, again, by Shane Moran himself – in the five month period after he first publicly announced in September 2016 that he was applying for planning approval to turn Darling House into a high-end aged care facility – see [9]).

Left: Filthy rich businessman Shane Moran outside the 60-room mansion in Darling Point where he lives, which is valued at between $50 million to $100 million! Moran is set to get even richer after, as part of the public housing sell-off in inner city Sydney, he bought up a community-run aged care facility for low-income elderly people in order to convert it into a boutique facility for the very wealthy. Right: One of the growing number of elderly people forced to sleep rough in the streets of Sydney. Photo credit (photo on Left): Richard Dobson
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The sell-off of public housing in inner city Sydney has been bad news for working class people full stop. Firstly, the forced relocation out of the area of the former public housing tenants has dispersed and destroyed a once close-knit and vibrant community.  Many of the former tenants became despondent and some have died prematurely and even committed suicide (for a detailed scientific study of the effects of the sell-off on the former tenants refer to the recently published book by Professor at the UTS Institute for Public Policy and Governance, Alan Morris [10]).

Secondly, contrary to the NSW government’s devious claim that the inner city public housing sell-off was aimed at raising funds for the construction of more public housing elsewhere, the truth is that the sell-off of public housing in Millers Points and the Rocks was actually simply part of a broader government agenda to slash the amount of public housing throughout the state. This is proven by official government figures (see Note [11]). They show that in the three year, 2014-2017 period [12] from when the removal of public housing tenants from Millers Point and the Rocks commenced to when the forced relocation of tenants from the area was basically completed, the number of public housing dwellings in NSW was cut by 584 dwellings! In other words, in addition to the 189 properties that were eventually sold off in Millers Point, a net further 395 public housing dwellings were sold off elsewhere in the state in just that three year period! So much for the government’s claim that for every public housing dwelling sold off in the inner city, it would finance the construction of four to five new public housing dwellings elsewhere! Indeed, as well as in Millers Point and the Rocks, the right-wing NSW state government has been privatising public housing in Parramatta, Hurstville, Greenacre, Panania, Campsie, Fairfield, Wentworthville, Lalor Park and Canley Vale.

The effect of this gouging of public housing is even worse when one takes population increase into account. In that case we see that relative to the population size, the NSW Liberal government has slashed the number of public housing places by an equivalent of 5,164 properties in just three years! This is despite the truth that higher immigration actually makes it easier for the government to not only increase the amount of public housing available but makes it easier for them to actually increase the proportion of public housing. This is because not only do immigrants, by paying taxes, increase the public funds available to finance public housing construction and increase the labour resources available to build public housing but by increasing population numbers they allow economies of scale to kick in and, thereby, make housing construction more efficient. The plummeting in the proportion of people with public housing has absolutely nothing to do with immigration but is, rather, a political decision by a wealthy ruling class that is driven by a desire to further increase its own fortunes at the expense of working class people.

With less and less low-rent housing available, no wonder more and more people are being forced to sleep out on the streets of Sydney. Among those finding it hardest to afford rents are low-income, single parent families with young children. Driven into poverty by the combined measures of the Howard Liberal and the Rudd-Gillard-Rudd Labor governments that threw low-income sole parents off the Parenting Payment and into the much lower paying Newstart Allowance and with childcare unaffordable, many of these parents are forced to seek work in insecure jobs in the gig economy or as casuals in order to have the flexible work hours needed to look after their children. This means that the number of work hours they get fluctuates from week to week and they are often not able to generate enough income to both pay rent and to properly feed and clothe themselves and their children. And the fact that wages are not keeping up with prices makes the housing situation of low income workers even more precarious. Meanwhile, one of the combined effects of the gutting of the sole parenting payment and the slashing of public housing is to increase domestic violence against women. For these measures mean that low-income women relying financially on a male partner who is abusive are confronted with the unbearable choice of either going out on their own and living an impoverished life without a guaranteed roof over their heads and those of their children or staying with their partner and trying to endure the attacks.

The drastic slashing in the proportion of public housing available, in the end, hurts all those renting in the lower and even middle range of the rental market. For with so little low-rent public housing available, landlords are able to jack up rents knowing that lower income people have nowhere else to go. Anglicare Australia’s annual Rental Affordability Snapshot released a few days ago showed that in a survey of 69,485 properties listed for rent across Australia, there was not one single available property that would be affordable to rent for a single person on Newstart or Youth Allowance in any major city or regional centre [13]! The survey also found that only 2 per cent of rentals Australia-wide were affordable for a single person on the minimum wage working full time. Rental accommodation is extremely unaffordable for low wage workers even if they live in working class neighbourhoods half an hour to 45 minutes by train from Sydney city. One such region is the Cumberland local government area which includes suburbs like Auburn, Berala, Guildford and Greystanes and parts of Granville, Merrylands and Fairfield. There, even according to the government’s own figures, the median rent for a one bedroom apartment was $345 per week in the December 2018 quarter [14]. This compares with an, after tax, minimum wage for those lucky enough to have a full-time job of $642 per week. In other words, one of the hundreds of thousands of workers on the minimum wage, but lucky enough to have a full-time job, who rents a one bedroom unit in a relatively cheap suburb some half to three quarters of an hour by train from Sydney city, has to pay much more than half their income on rent! Yet such a worker does not even qualify to get on the NSW social housing waiting list! The maximum income a single person can earn before being deemed too “well off” to qualify for social housing in NSW is currently only $625 per week [15]. The reality is that there is such a dearth of public housing that the government has made the eligibility criteria to even get on the social housing waiting list incredibly tough. Of course, if such a low paid worker does not have a full-time job they could get on the social housing waiting list. Yet they will then be totally stuffed as they end up having to pay around three quarters of their income on rent while they wait the average ten years or so to finally get into social housing! 

Mobilise the Working Class Movement and All the Poor to Fight for Public Housing

Governments of all stripes in Australia have been selling off public housing for several related reasons. For one they want to help their rich developer, speculator and real estate boss mates. Secondly, they want to spend less and less of the public budget on the services that working class people need the most – like public housing, public health care, TAFE and public schools. These ruling class politicians would rather save the money to finance tax cuts for the very rich or spend the money on corporate welfare – like when the NSW Liberal state government granted $60 million to the job-slashing Bluescope Steel owners. Thirdly, the slashing of public housing is part of a push by the capitalist rulers to make life more and more miserable for unemployed and underemployed workers. They do this by not only reducing access to public housing but also by keeping the Newstart Allowance at cruelly low levels, introducing punitive schemes forcing unemployed people to do unpaid work and rolling out “income management” schemes that prevent unemployed people from determining how they will spend the meagre payments that they receive. The aims of all these draconian measures are two-fold. For one, by making life so hard for job seekers, they force the latter to accept jobs that have terrible working conditions and very low – often illegally low – wages. Additionally, by making the prospect of life after losing one’s job so unbearably miserable, the ruling class hope that they can intimidate workers – fearful of being sacked by the boss or being identified as one of the staunch unionists who will always be top of the bosses’ list to be axed in the event of retrenchments – from participating in the union fight for rights at work. That is why government attacks on public housing – like other measures which target the poor and unemployed – are very much assaults on our trade unions. And that is why the union movement must take up the struggle for public housing as a key part of the struggle to defend workers rights.

Current and former Millers Point public housing tenants and the many trade unionists and other supporters of public housing that stood by them did wage a determined struggle against the sell-off of public housing in the area. Their efforts did much to boost the broader on the streets movement in defence of public housing that had begun several years earlier when activists demanding a massive increase in public housing held a November 2009 protest rally outside the Sydney office of the then federal housing minister (in the then Rudd ALP government), Tanya Plibersek. From 2014 onwards, those supporting the Millers Point public housing struggle and those involved in already established campaigns for public housing based in the Illawara, Auburn and elsewhere started attending each other’s protest actions. And although the campaign did not end up being powerful enough to prevent the destruction of public housing in Millers Point it did invigorate budding pro-public housing campaigns elsewhere like the movement to stop the slashing of public housing in Waterloo.

11 October 2014: Public housing tenants from Millers Point join with activists organising campaigns to oppose the privatisation of public housing in the Illawarra and in Western Sydney (including Trotskyist Platform supporters) at a protest against the auction of a public housing home in Bulli near Wollongong. Photo credit: Adam McLean

With the situation increasingly desperate and with submissions to government bodies and other forms of “official” protest being ignored, the campaign turned militant in 2017. First, in May 2017, dozens of trade unionists, public housing tenants and other supporters of public housing blockaded 32 High Street in Millers Point to try and prevent the sheriff from evicting the then public housing tenant living there, staunch public housing activist, Peter Muller. The movement was able to hold the sheriff at bay for the first day but before dawn the next morning the sheriffs and police raided the home to enforce the eviction. Then on 6 August 2017, scores of trade unionists, current and former public housing tenants and other supporters of public housing carried out a powerful occupation of vacant public housing dwellings at 78 to 80 High St, Millers Point. Activists adorned the occupied homes with banners emphasising the struggle against the sell-off of public housing as well as with the flags of the unions supporting the Millers Point tenants’ struggle – the MUA and the CFMEU. Those houses had been slated for sell-off to wealthy speculators, landlords and capitalist developers after the government had driven off the public housing tenants who once lived there. The occupation demanded that the occupied houses and all unoccupied public housing dwellings in the area be given to the homeless or to those on public housing waiting lists. Later in the evening of the August 6 occupation, after numbers had dwindled somewhat five hours into the action, a heavy contingent of riot cops raided the occupation site. They also arrested four activists participating in the struggle.

Although heavy-handed state repression crushed this protest occupation and the earlier anti-eviction struggle at 32 High Street, both these actions – and the 6 August 2017 protest occupation in particular – really did scare the government. And although they are never going to admit it, these struggles almost certainly did compel the government to somewhat slow down their plans to slash public housing throughout the state compared to what they had been previously planning. We need more staunch struggles to stop the sell-off of public housing. We need new and more powerful versions of the May 2017 anti-eviction blockade and the August 2017 protest occupation.  We must locate the fight against the privatisation of public housing as part of the wider struggle against the ruling class’ attacks on all public services and a struggle against their attacks on our trade unions.

6 August 2017, Millers Point, Sydney: Houses in High St occupied by trade unionists, current and former public housing tenants and other supporters of public housing. The powerful action demanded that these vacant public housing dwellings be made available to those on the public housing waiting list or the homeless. We need more and more powerful actions like this to reverse the sell-off of public housing and smash all the attacks on services that working class people need the most.

We need to not only put a stop to the sell-off of public housing but need to fight for a massive increase in the amount of public housing. There is a huge shortfall in the amount of public housing places. In the ten year period from 2007 to 2017, the former NSW ALP government and the current conservative NSW government slashed the amount of public housing in the state by 10% even as the population grew [16].  There are well over fifty thousand households on the official waiting list for public housing in NSW. There are even more who are eligible for public housing but have not gotten on the list because the wait times are so ridiculous. Meanwhile, there are literally hundreds of thousands of other households who need low-rent public housing but can’t even get on the waiting list because the entry criteria to the waiting list is so strict.

What’s Most Harmful about these Political Donations?

We should not let anyone downplay the seriousness of the issue of the governing party in NSW accepting donations from real estate companies just when this government is making decisions related to these companies’ participation in the sell-off of public housing. From the standpoint of the interests of working class people, the most harmful thing about these donations is that they acted to place pressure upon the government to maintain its course to sell off the public housing. Put another way, accepting donations from those who had very direct vested interests in seeing the public housing privatisations go through made the Liberal Party less willing to back down and offer concessions in the face of the determined movement opposing the sell-off.

Secondly, the dodgy donations add to the stench of corruption that has surrounded NSW and its mainstream politicians. Let’s not forget that several ministers in this NSW Liberal government have already been forced to resign because of corruption-related actions, like improper receipt of “gifts” – not the least being former premier, Barry O’Farrell. And we all know about the corrupt activities of several influential members of the former ALP state government. Meanwhile, it is precisely in the property sector where corruption is most rife. The industry at its top is ridden with not only dubious links to politicians but is plagued with violent rivalries and connections to organised crime.

Thirdly, and most obviously, the donations were meant to influence government decisions on which real estate firms would be granted the lucrative contracts to auction/sell off the public housing properties. Notwithstanding that the entire sell-off was terribly harmful to the former tenants and to all working class people, the fact is that any improperly influenced government decision on who should conduct the property sales could mean a big loss to what is supposedly “public funds.” Say, for example that these donations to the Liberal Party enticed the government to accept a bid to conduct the sales from real estate companies that charged, say, a 0.3% higher commission than a rival bid that the government may have gone with. Given that the total sell-off is going to amount to around $750 million then that would mean that over $22 million ends up being lost from public funds; or, rather, transferred from the public budget to the bank accounts (and eventually the glitzy prestige cars and swank holiday mansions) of high-flying real estate bosses. With that $22 million how many badly needed extra public hospital beds could be provided? Or how many extra public housing dwellings could be made available?

This then leads to a still more crucial question? That is, aside from the fact that the entire sell-off was unjust and the donations by the real estate companies arranging the sales highly questionable, why should private businesses have been engaged in the sell-off at all? More fundamentally, why are private business owners allowed to profit from the government provision – and in this case sell-off – of public housing? The answer is that there is such a tiny public sector in this country – and much of the little that once did exist has been privatised by Liberal and ALP governments alike over the last three and a half decades – that there are few publicly owned operations set up to perform the required tasks. That is why from most levels of the construction work, to the provision of maintenance and repair of public housing, to, in this case, the sell-off of public housing, private businesses are getting contracts for work related to public housing. That means that public funds are flowing into the pockets of big corporate shareholders and other wealthy business owners. Herein is a key reason why the provision of public housing is so inadequate in Australia. In addition to anti-working class governments being unwilling to provide sufficient funds for public housing, the funds that are actually dispensed produce an inadequate number of dwellings because so much of the money ends up being skimmed off by private business contractors at every level.

For an Economy Based on Public Ownership
of All Key Industries, Finance and Infrastructure

To highlight the problem here of so much of the funds allocated for public housing being siphoned off to wealthy private businesses, it is worth contrasting this reality in capitalist Australia with a socio-economic system based on public ownership and seeing how the latter delivers public housing. Such a system exists in the world’s most populous country – and Australia’s largest trading partner – the Peoples Republic of China (PRC). Although pro-market reforms over the last 40 years have created a sizable private sector in China as well as a class of capitalist exploiters, the public sector still plays the dominant role in the PRC. Some 90% of the PRC’s biggest 100 companies are stated owned, including all her biggest banks, her main oil/gas companies, biggest construction companies, ports, shipping, power producers, main airlines, biggest steel producers etc (and even many of her biggest real estate firms). As a result, every stage of public housing provision in China – from the banks providing finance if needed, to the construction companies building the housing to the steel, cement and plate glass manufacturers providing building supplies – is dominated by publicly owned enterprises. This means that, unlike in Australia, little of the public funds allocated for public housing ends up in the bank accounts of wealthy private business owners. Even if one of the state-owned banks providing credit for public housing construction were to charge too high an interest rate or a state-owned building materials supplier were to set too high prices, all this ends up as higher profits for state-owned firms and these profits then get recycled back into the public budget … to be available for more public housing construction. This is why the PRC has been so spectacularly able to increase the amount of public housing in the country over the last decade or so. From 2008 to 2017, the PRC provided 64 million additional public housing dwellings in urban areas! As a result, while the proportion of people with access to public housing in Australia’s urban areas has fallen to just one in every thirty households, in the PRC’s urban areas around one in four people now are living in one of its various forms of public housing.

Of course, since a system based on public ownership of key sectors of the economy – that is a socialist system – favours working class people, the capitalist rulers are not going to allow such a system to arise without putting up tenacious resistance. Indeed, such a socio-economic system can only be secured if the working class sweep away the capitalists from power and erect their own workers state. In China, the toiling classes had to make a massive revolution in 1949 to enable her to build a system in which public ownership plays the backbone role. Not only does this socialistic system mean that funds allocated for public housing are actually used for this purpose rather than partially for enriching private capitalists, the fact that working class people – in a tenuous and fragile way to be sure – have control over the PRC state means that there is actually a political will to provide public housing in China. The main slogan of the PRC’s housing policy is: “Houses are for living in and not for speculation.” As a result, while public housing continues to be sold off here in Australia, in the PRC the campaign to provide public housing continues to surge forward. Last year, China’s southern metropolis of Shenzhen decreed that from then onwards at least 60% of all new housing in the city must be public housing [17]. The PRC authorities went further when setting the housing policy for the Xiongan New Area – the new city of 5 million people being built 100 km from Beijing. There the PRC has decreed that every single house in what they have deemed to be a model city for the future must be public housing [18].

Another reason why the PRC’s socialistic state has been able to successfully undertake its drive to increase public housing is because it and the PRC public sector enterprises’ Communist Party of China committees – that have decisive oversight power over such companies – compel the leaders of state-owned enterprises to meet such social goals. In other words, the bonuses and future promotion opportunities of the directors and CEOs of China’s public sector enterprises depend on how well they have met declared socially important targets – like increasing the amount of public housing and like the main goal that has been dominating PRC political life over the last few years, the drive to ensure that no person in that country is living in extreme poverty by 2020. As a result, while the bosses of Australian banks will use any means necessary to satisfy their big shareholders’ demands for ever high profits, in the PRC the banks are falling over themselves to lend to public housing projects. Figures show that in China’s capital city, Beijing, in the first half of last year, two out of every three yuan of bank loans for real estate went into public housing development [19]. The same imperatives are also pushing the PRC’s big state-owned developers. Thus, for example, Beijing Investment Group, the state-owned builder and operator of Beijing’s Olympic village for the 2022 Winter Olympics has declared that the entire village will be turned into public rental housing at the completion of the 2022 Winter Olympics [20]. All this is why the struggle for public housing in Australia is intertwined with the broader fight here for a system based on public ownership under workers’ rule.

The design for the Olympic village for the 2022 Winter Olympics in Beijing. The village is being built and operated by Beijing Investment Group – one of China’s big publicly-owned developers. The socialistic, stateowned enterprise has announced that after the completion of the Olympics the entire village will become public rental housing.

What the Donations Made to the NSW Liberal Party
Say about “Democracy” in Capitalist Australia

The fact that the NSW Liberal Party only received donations from the two real estate companies around the time when they awarded these companies lucrative government contracts and never received donations from them at any other time over at least the last ten years highlights the reality of who is really running this country: it is not actually the politicians themselves but the rich business owners. When you see who are the biggest political donors to the major political parties you see how much influence these capitalist business owners have. Among the biggest donations to the Australian Liberal Party for 2017-2018 (the last year that donations have been publicised) [22] include $250,000 from the ANZ Bank, $110,000 from oil and gas giant Woodside and $150,000 from the trust account of Australia’s richest family, the Pratt family, owners of Visy cardboard. During the same period, the ANZ Bank and Woodside also made donations of identical size to the ALP and Macquarie Telecom donated over $105,000 to the ALP [23].

It is not only through donations to political parties that rich capitalists control the direction of Australia. They also use direct political advertising to push their agenda when they need to. Most infamously, in 2010 mining billionaires Gina Rinehart and Andrew Forrest as well as other wealthy corporate bosses ran a massive advertising campaign on commercial TV and major newspapers that successfully gutted a proposed tax on mining super-profits and helped bring down the then prime minister who promoted the tax, Kevin Rudd. More subtly but just as insidiously, capitalist tycoons donate a fraction of the massive profits that they exploit out of workers’ labour to various arts, entertainment and sporting causes to ensure that popular culture is in accord with their interests and to curry favour with the public.

Notoriously, corporations also hire expensive lobbyists to influence political decision making. They especially seek out former politicians to ensure that their lobbyists have close contacts with the political administrators of the state. Moreover, because the corporate elite control the economy they are able to ensure that politicians eager for lucrative post-politics jobs in the corporate world dutifully serve the corporate bigwigs whilst they are still in parliament. All these different means of control and manipulation of politics was used, for example, by billionaire James Packer’s Crown Corporation to ensure that laws and regulations that could have curbed its plan to build an exclusive hotel/casino resort at Sydney’s Barangaroo melted away [24]. Amongst the board of directors of Crown at the time was former Minister of Communications in the Howard government, Helen Coonan. Packer also employed former ALP heavies Mark Arbib and Karl Bitar as lobbyists for his casino project. Meanwhile on 12 November 2013, the very eve of the day that the NSW parliament rammed through special amendments to the Casino Control Act specifically to support Crown’s Barangaroo project, Packer ostentatiously announced a $60 million donation to various Sydney arts, theatre, opera and orchestra institutions by both his Crown Group and himself personally. All this has much relevance to the sell-off of public housing in the Millers Point area. As was strongly implied by a statement in October 2012 by the then NSW Finance Minister himself, part of what was driving the government’s (then proposed) sell-off was the need to not have working class people in the area “in the context” of ensuring that the wealthy clientele who will frequent the resort that Packer expects to make billions from do not have a “bad view” [25].

Then there is of course the reality that, from Rupert Murdoch to billionaire Channel Seven owner Kerry Stokes, the media is owned and thus controlled by capitalist moguls. Thus, media reporting is heavily biased towards the interests of the big end of town. Any political party that stands uncompromisingly for the interests of working class people would face massive attacks from the mainstream media not to mention from direct advertising from big business and from the numerous cultural organisations and NGOs directly and indirectly financed by the capitalists. That is why the mythical “one person one vote” that supposedly exists in Australia is in reality more like “one million dollars, one million votes”! And it is not that “democracy in Australia has flaws” or even that “it is broken.” Thus far real “democracy” has never existed in the post-1788 history of this country. Ever since Aboriginal people were murderously dispossessed by the new colonial ruling class, the system the latter established was never meant to give everyone an equal say: the figment of “democracy” was always only ever intended to enable the wealthy rural and urban business owners to hold real power while tricking the masses into believing that they are really in control.

Even if a party that genuinely stood for the interests of working class people were able to overcome all the bias and disadvantage it would face and get elected to office, that in itself would not bring about decisive change. This is because the state machinery and its personnel that such a government would then formally administer are itself tied by a thousand threads to the big end of town capitalists. We have seen this throughout the sell-off of public housing in inner city Sydney itself. Bureaucrats from Family and Community Services showed a high-handed attitude to the tenants that they were putting pressure on to relocate. The judges in the rental tribunals hearing cases of tenants objecting to the particular places they were being pushed to move into were unsympathetic. Meanwhile, when police raided the 6 August 2017 protest occupation in Millers Point they were not only “following orders” but seemed to enjoy repressing the pro-working class, pro-public housing action. The police inspector in charge threatened violence against protesters shortly before the raid:

“… if these police have to go in, it’s a contact sport. They will be looking to protect themselves and if someone is injured as a result of them ensuring their safety – unfortunately it does happen.”

When police then forcibly dragged the evicted public housing tenant, Peter Muller, from the front of the occupied building, they used unnecessary force and caused permanent injury to his left wrist which now hampers his work as an electrician. Furthermore, after seizing another activist that they arrested (who happens to be a Trotskyist Platform supporter) and dragging him around the corner away from the view of other protesters (other than for a previous arrestee who witnessed the events from inside the back of a police paddy wagon), policed proceeded to bend his wrist back painfully for extended periods, on at least two occasions, even though he was offering zero resistance at the time. Indeed this violent police operation had such little legal basis that these two activists after pleading Not Guilty to charges had their charges quashed by a magistrate after she found that the entire police raid was unlawful.

The fact is that the enforcement personnel of Australian state institutions have been recruited, trained, nurtured and shaped to serve the interests of the wealthy big property owning class over those of the working class masses. That is why any elected political party that in any meaningful way intends to serve working class interests would immediately face sabotage and non-compliance from the state organs that it has been elected to nominally head. Such a party would then face two options: to either back down on its agenda (which is what usually happens) or to try and continue in which case it would be overthrown by the state organs in a coup as happened to the elected leftist government of Salvador Allende in Chile in 1973. That is why the road to winning improvements in the lives of working class people lies not through changes enacted by Australia’s “democratic institutions” but through mass struggle – union strikes, picket lines, street marches, blockades, protest occupations – the methods that have won us the gains that we have won here in the past. We, of course, do need a political party of the working class. But not one that, like the ALP, seeks to administer the “democratic system” but rather one that seeks to mobilise the masses in grass-roots struggle independently of all the capitalists and their state institutions with the aim of winning concessions from the capitalist enemy today and seizing state power tomorrow.

Working Class People Need a Party That No Capitalist Would Want to Donate to

Although the ALP, just like the Liberals, receives donations from corporations and their capitalist owners, the ALP is not identical to the Coalition parties. The ALP also receives big donations from our trade unions – that is, from working class organisations representing millions of workers. And while the membership of the Liberal Party is dominated by small and big-time capitalist exploiters of labour as well as yuppy wanna-be capitalist business owners, the ALP’s rank and file are largely working class people. The problem, however, is that the ALP’s program to “serve” its working class base is to try and make only small reforms that will not overly upset the capitalists. Although the ALP is prepared to irritate some big end of town high fliers, they still crave the latter’s overall acceptance. Intimidated by and refusing to challenge the capitalist power that thoroughly dominates Australian society, the ALP is determined to ensure that they do not face excessive opposition from the big end of town so that they will be able to administer the capitalist state in an orderly fashion when in government. We see this in the lead up to the upcoming federal elections. The ALP has promised some small worthwhile measures to improve dental care for pensioners financed in part by cracking down somewhat on negative gearing tax concessions for wealthy property speculators. But they refuse to support any increase whatsoever in public housing. Instead, they have an “affordable housing for renters” platform that will only provide a drop in the ocean of the amount of lower rent accommodation that is needed, will only guarantee a rent level that is just 20% below the exorbitant market rents and which is centred on a Liberal Party-like plan to give subsidies to private housing operators [26]. Indeed, this shabby “affordable housing” program is very similar to that of the NSW Liberal Berejiklian government!

Since it has no program to challenge capitalist power, large sections of the corporate elite including the banks, telecommunications firms and resource companies continue to accept the ALP (even as some hard right-wing sections of the ruling class like the Murdoch family are at the moment against Labor) to the point that they even make large donations to the ALP. Such a party should not be supported by working class people in any way. We need, instead, a workers party that will not limit its program to what is tolerated by the capitalists. Such a party not only fights today for a massive increase in public housing and for forcing bosses to, at the expense of their profits, increase their hiring of permanent workers but has a vision for a future socialist society that will guarantee not only secure jobs for all but will ensure that all the basic services that working class people need the most – public housing, aged care, 24 hour child care, public health and dental care, public schools, TAFE and universities and public transport – are available to all for free. Such a party seeks not to win the acceptance of the capitalists but, instead, seeks to mobilise the working class masses in struggle against the exploiting class with a view to preparing a fight to challenge capitalist power. Such a party would not only refuse to accept donations from corporate bigwigs, it would also be a party that no capitalist exploiter in their right mind would want to donate to.

Notes:

[1] Savills website, Start of a New Era for Sydney’s Iconic Sirius Building, 7 December 2017, https://www.savills.com.au/_news/article/109969/157512-0/12/2017/start-of-a-new-era-for-sydney-s-iconic-sirius-building (retrieved 25 April 2019)

[2] Electoral Commission NSW website, Disclosure Details for Donor SAVILLS (NSW) PTY LTD, Disclosure period 1/07/2016 – 30/06/2017, http://searchdecs.elections.nsw.gov.au/Details.aspx?EFID=a0S6F00000mIUUsUAO&ID1=0016F000028XgSbQAK&RPID=2017H1 (retrieved 25 April 2019)

[3] Electoral Commission NSW, DISCLOSURES LODGED, Search for disclosure information, http://searchdecs.elections.nsw.gov.au/search.aspx (retrieved 25 April 2019)

[4] Although the Major Political Donor form filed by Savills lists the donation as being made on 27 February 2018 (see: http://searchdecs.elections.nsw.gov.au/Documents/FD2018-158.pdf), the donation is listed in the earlier 1/07/2016 to 30/06/2017 disclosure period (http://searchdecs.elections.nsw.gov.au/Details.aspx?EFID=a0S6F00000mIUUsUAO&ID1=0016F000028XgSbQAK&RPID=2017H1). That 1/07/2016 to 30/06/2017 disclosure shows that the Savills donation was actually made in February 2017 and not February 2018. This seems correct as the declaration was made on 21 September 2017, i.e. well before the February 2018 date that the Savills major political donor form lists the donation as being made. Moreover, the Receipt Number of the donation tallies with a donation made in February 2017 and not February 2018. So an “error” has been made by either a Savills officer or a Liberal Party official by detailing in the Major Political Donor form the donation as being made a year later than it actually was. In of itself this is not a huge deal. From the aspect of our key point that Savills made a big donation to the NSW Liberal Party around the time period when the latter party in government was awarding it the lucrative contract to sell Sirius, it matters little whether the donation was actually made in late February 2017 or late February 2018 – i.e. either eight and a bit months before the announcement that Savills had been awarded the contract or two and a bit months after the announcement. What does matter is if there has been a conscious attempt to conceal the timing of the donation. In particular, what if either Savills or the Liberal Party deliberately made a “clerical error” and put the date of the donation as February 2018 rather than February 2017 to ensure that the donation appears to have been made after the government announced that Savills had been awarded the Sirius sale contract rather than being made in the period when the government decision about the Sirius contract was being considered. Now we do not have any concrete evidence to say that this is what actually happened. However, given all the corruption that has taken place in NSW, the deviant processes that have surrounded the inner city public housing sell-off and the associated regulatory approvals of James Packer’s luxury casino-hotel resort at Barangaroo and the dodgy context of the Savills donation itself, we would not be surprised if the apparent incorrect dating of the Savills donation is more than just an innocent clerical error. Of course, regardless of whether or not there has been a conscious attempt to conceal the donation’s timing, the key broader overall point stands: that the NSW Liberal Party accepted a nearly $4,000 donation from Savills around the time when it would have been considering whether to grant that real estate business the multi-million dollars’ worth contract to sell the Sirius building.

[5] Eliot Hastie, REB, Final Millers Point tranche sold, 8 November 2018, https://www.realestatebusiness.com.au/breaking-news/17927-final-millers-point-tranche-sold (retrieved 25 April 2019)

[6] Electoral Commission NSW website, Disclosure Details for Party, The Liberal Party of Australia New South Wales Division, Disclosure period 1/07/2014 – 30/06/2015, http://searchdecs.elections.nsw.gov.au/Details.aspx?EFID=a0S6F00000qI37dUAC&ID1=0019000000twe3RAAQ&RPID=2015H1 (retrieved 25 April 2019)

[7] NSW Government Finance, Services & Innovation website, Millers Point Properties Announced For Sale, 13 April 2015, https://www.finance.nsw.gov.au/about-us/media-releases/millers-point-properties-announced-sale (retrieved 25 April 2019)

[8] Lisa Allen, The Australian Business Review website, Provectus Care’s Shane Moran pays $7.7m for Dawes Point mansion, 3 September 2016, https://www.theaustralian.com.au/business/property/provectus-cares-shane-moran-pays-77m-for-dawes-point-mansion/news-story/9fa7af25fae87916f368f02c3829690e (retrieved 25 April 2019)

[9] There were donations made by an elder brother and possibly other relatives of Shane Moran – and possibly Shane Moran himself – to the NSW Liberal Party in the five month period after he first publicly announced in September 2016 that he was applying for planning approval to turn the Darling House that he bought as part of the Millers Point privatisations into a high-end aged care facility. Firstly, in two donations made on 5 September 2016 and 25 September 2016, Moran Australia (Residential Aged Care) Pty Ltd run by Shane Moran’s brother, Peter Moran, donated a total of $2,000 to the NSW Liberal Party (http://searchdecs.elections.nsw.gov.au/Documents/FD2017-3968.pdf). Then on 22 November 2016, a further $2,000 was donated by a Shane Moran (http://searchdecs.elections.nsw.gov.au/Details.aspx?EFID=a0S6F00000qI37YUAS&ID1=0019000000twe3RAAQ&RPID=2017H1). However, we are unable to be sure whether this Shane Moran who is listed as “Shane Michael Moran” is the same Shane Moran as the one who bought Darling House given that the address listed with the donation is different to the address of the Swifts mansion that the Shane Moran who bought Darling House is known to live in (although he may well have multiple addresses that he uses). If it is not the same Shane Moran, it could however be a cousin, nephew or uncle. Then on 24 February 2017, one Matthew John Moran donated $5,500 to the NSW Liberal Party in the single biggest donation to the party by an individual that financial year (http://searchdecs.elections.nsw.gov.au/Details.aspx?EFID=a0S6F00000qI37YUAS&ID1=0019000000twe3RAAQ&RPID=2017H1). This may possibly be a donation by a cousin, nephew or uncle of Shane Moran but we can’t be sure. What is striking is that each of these “Moran” entities who made donations to the NSW Liberal Party in late 2016-early 2017 – Moran Australia (Residential Aged Care) Pty Ltd, Shane Michael and Mathew John Moran – made no other donations to the NSW Liberal Party in the last ten years except during this brief period soon after Shane Moran happened to start seeking approval to convert Darling House into a high-end aged care facility. And there were no other donations made by any other person with a Moran surname to the NSW Liberal Party in this ten-year period either. It is, however, possible that the donation made by Shane Moran’s brother’s company, Moran Australia (Residential Aged Care) Pty Ltd, and donations by others who were possibly in the same family/extended family was more about protecting one or more of the several sets of aged care businesses owned by Moran siblings from scrutiny in the light of the emerging scandal in Australia over the quality and price of aged care residences and of elder abuse in aged care homes. Given this uncertainty over the purpose of the donations and uncertainty over the exact identities of all the donors with a Moran surname we chose not to include this material in the main body of the article but detail it here for other activists, researchers and journalists to follow through on in the future.

[10] Morris, Alan (2018). Gentrification and Displacement – The Forced Relocation of Public Housing Tenants in Inner-Sydney, Springer Verlag (Singapore), https://www.booktopia.com.au/gentrification-and-displacement-alan-morris/prod9789811310867.html

[11] Australian Government Productivity Commission (2019). Report on Government Services, Chapter 18 – Housing, Table 18A.3, https://www.pc.gov.au/research/ongoing/report-on-government-services/2019/housing-and-homelessness/housing/rogs-2019-partg-chapter18.pdf

[12] The year 2018 was not included in the comparison because in that year the statistical method used by the NSW government was changed and public housing figures from that year onwards included dwellings identified for disposal or leased to community organisations. Note d in Table 18A.3 in the above reference states that: “PH [Public Housing] and SOMIH [State Owned and Managed Indigenous Housing] data from 2017-18 include dwellings identified for disposal and dwellings leased to a community organisation. These dwellings are excluded from data for previous years ….” This change in statistical method artificially inflated 2018 public housing numbers respective to those in previous years.

 [13] Tawar Razaghi, Domain. Annual rental affordability survey finds worst results for low income earners in 10 years, 28 April 2019, https://www.domain.com.au/news/annual-rental-affordability-survey-finds-worst-results-for-low-income-earners-in-10-years-830824/?utm_campaign=strap-masthead&utm_source=smh&utm_medium=link&utm_content=pos5&ref=pos1 (retrieved 29 April 2019)

[14] NSW Government Family and Community Services. Rent and Sales Report – interactive dashboard, https://public.tableau.com/profile/facs.statistics#!/vizhome/Rentandsales/Rent for Cumberland LGA, December 2018 quarter, 1 Bedroom Flat/Unit

[15] NSW Government Family and Community Services. Social Housing Eligibility and Allocations Policy Supplement, Table 1: Household member types and current weekly income allowance, https://www.facs.nsw.gov.au/housing/policies/social-housing-eligibility-allocations-policy-supplement/chapters/income (retrieved 25 April 2019)

[16] Shelter NSW, NSW HOUSING FACT SHEET 1, Dwellings, households & tenure profile (see page 8 in particular), April 2018, https://shelternsw.org.au/sites/shelternsw.org.au/files/public/documents/Shelter%20NSW%20Housing%20Fact%20Sheet%20April%202018.pdf (retrieved 25 April 2019)

[17] Stella Qiu and Ryan Woo, Reuters.  China’s Shenzhen to cap new private homes at 40 percent of supply, 5 June 2018, https://www.reuters.com/article/us-china-economy-property-shenzhen/chinas-shenzhen-to-cap-new-private-homes-at-40-percent-of-supply-idUSKCN1J11E3 (retrieved 25 April 2019)

[18] Elizabeth Winkelman (translated Amber Yang), Australia China Business Circle, China’s Xiongan New Area to Receive 2 trillion yuan ($385 billion) Investment over the next 15 years, http://www.business-circle.com.au/en/?p=3545 (retrieved 25 April 2019)

[19] Xinhua, Beijing reports slowest mortgage growth in 5 yrs, 28 July 2019, http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2018-07/28/c_137354304.htm (retrieved 25 April 2019)

[20] China Daily, Work begins on Beijing 2022 Winter Olympic Village, 29 December 2017, http://global.chinadaily.com.cn/a/201712/29/WS5a4636eca31008cf16da44c2.html (retrieved 25 April 2019)

[21] Uma Patel, ABC News, Sam Dastyari steps down from Labor frontbench after accepting money from Chinese donors, 8 September 2016, https://www.abc.net.au/news/2016-09-07/sam-dastyari-steps-down-from-labors-front-bench/7823970 (retrieved 25 April 2019)

[22] Australian Electoral Commission website, Summary of Donations reported by Donors – By Party – 2017-18, Registered Party, Liberal Party of Australia, https://periodicdisclosures.aec.gov.au/SummaryDonor.aspx (retrieved 25 April 2019)

[23] Australian Electoral Commission website, Summary of Donations reported by Donors – By Party – 2017-18, Registered Party, Australian Labor Party (ALP), https://periodicdisclosures.aec.gov.au/SummaryDonor.aspx (retrieved 25 April 2019)

[24] Trotskyist Platform website, JAMES PACKER’S CROWN VERSUS MILLERS POINT PUBLIC HOUSING, 18 November 2016, https://www.trotskyistplatform.com/james-packers-crown-versus-millers-point-public-housing/ (retrieved 25 April 2019)

[25] Josephine Tovey, The Sydney Morning Herald website, Residents stick to their point of community, 26 October 2012, https://www.smh.com.au/national/nsw/residents-stick-to-their-point-of-community-20121025-288bh.html (retrieved 25 April 2019)

[26] ALP website, AFFORDABLE HOUSING FOR RENTERS, https://www.alp.org.au/media/1506/181216_affordable_housing_for_renters_fact_sheet.pdf (retrieved 25 April 2019)

NSW Government Resorts to Gestapo-like Tactics, Smashing Windows to Evict a Public Housing Tenant at 6:20am – The Fight Against Privatisation Continues

The following leaflet advocating a militant, class struggle strategy to stop the sell-off of public housing has been distributed at actions for public housing, trade union rallies and in working class suburbs. By March 2018, nearly all the remaining public housing tenants in the Millers Point, Rocks and Dawes Point area have now been driven out of their homes. However, through determined action it can still be possible to save many of the homes in the area for public housing before they are all sold off to wealthy developers and speculators and re-occupied.

NSW Government resorts to Gestapo-like Tactics, Smashing Windows to Evict a Public Housing Tenant but the Powerful Union-led Struggle Against Social Cleansing” in Sydney City is Far from Over
Continue the Fight to Prevent the Sell-Off of Public Housing in Millers Point & Sirius

Stop the Privatisation of Public Housing throughout Australia

27 July 2017: On 10 May 2017 around ten to fifteen sheriffs, police and high-level bureaucrats raided a terrace house at 32 High Street, Millers Point. They invaded the inner Sydney home through the back entrance and then crashed their way into the dwelling after smashing through a window. So, what was the target that required such huge “enforcement” resources? Was it a raid on one of the many filthy, rich business owners who illegally dodge tax, bribe government officials or otherwise break their own system’s rules? Not a chance! This raid was perpetrated in order to evict a hard-working, working-class, public housing tenant from his residence so that the dwelling could be sold off to some, clearly, very rich person.

At the time of the 6:20am raid, the tenant, electrician Peter Muller, had already left for his 5am shift at work. However, the Gestapo-style raid saw authorities threaten with arrest several of his supporters who had courageously stayed in the dwelling to protect him. The invading authorities threw out Peter’s supporters, ransacked the place and impounded Peter’s property. They changed the locks and bolted up windows so zealously that, to this date, they have been able to enforce this eviction.

For over three years, the NSW Liberal state government has been putting massive pressure on public housing tenants in the Millers Point, Rocks and Dawes Point area to leave their community so that their homes could be sold off to wealthy buyers – often developers or property speculators. Among those recently forced to move is an Aboriginal sovereign woman who had waited decades to get public housing in the area and is now being booted off the land that her people belong to. Meanwhile, a large number of those people forced to leave are now distraught – and even suicidal – at having to split up from a close knit, working class community. As Peter Muller aptly put it to his supporters when speaking of the NSW government: “I feel that there’s something going wrong that you can actually socially cleanse an entire class of working people just to sell it for cash to their developer mates.” And so that no one gets diverted by the false bogey about foreign investors being to blame, it is important to stress that all the buyers of sold-off public housing are rich local Australians as foreigners are banned from purchasing existing homes in Australia.

Public housing in the area originally housed maritime workers who worked in the nearby docks. Many of the tenants who are being forced out are descendants of these workers. Over 110 years ago, public housing in the area was fought for and won in a determined struggle by unions for decent, affordable housing close to their work opportunities. Although, since the 1960s, state authorities have tried to drive out working class tenants from the area, action by the Builders Labourers Federation trade union and other unions in the 1970s thwarted their plans. However, the big end of town have continued to be relentless in their drive to socially “cleanse” the city of working class people.

Nevertheless, when Peter Muller was given a notice to be evicted, the hard core of remaining tenants in the area said: enough is enough. They said they will tolerate no more evictions. These remaining public housing tenants in the area – as well as ex-tenants who have already been forced out – and their many supporters drew a line in the sand by resisting the eviction at 32 High Street. With their enthusiastic backing, Peter Muller, a proud Electrical Trades Union (ETU) member and activist in support of public housing, refused to leave his Millers Point residence after being ordered to leave his home. On May 9, on the day the sheriff was to evict him, a powerful action by up to 100 trade unionists, current and former Millers Point tenants and other supporters of public housing blocked the sheriff from evicting Peter. Trade union contingents from the Maritime Union of Australia, CFMEU construction workers union and ETU provided crucial social power and collectivist working class organisation to the action. Participants in the mobilisation openly performed arms-linked, picket line drills to practice resisting the expected incursion by the sheriff. In the face of this mass action, the sheriff first postponed his eviction “appointment” and then cancelled it.

By resisting his own eviction, Peter Muller with the remaining public housing tenants in the area and their many supporters were landing a blow for the struggle to reverse the social “cleansing” of working class people from the city. Together, we were also advancing the wider fight to stop the privatisation of public housing that is taking place throughout Australia. That is why among those participating in that day’s mobilisation were public housing tenants from several other areas including a contingent from Waterloo and individuals from Surry Hills to as far away as Villawood. In response to the May 9 mobilisation, the ruling class authorities and their media attempted to discredit and isolate the struggle by, disgustingly, attacking Peter Muller personally. Both a statement released by the NSW Department of Family and Community Services (FACS) and a government spokesman claimed that Peter was not eligible for public housing because he was working and had some land in country NSW. The sole purpose of this deliberately misleading government spin is to mask the issue at stake: that public housing meant for working class people was being sold off to wealthy developers, speculators and landlords. Furthermore, as Barney Gardner, the leader of the area’s public housing group pointed out, the part share in a property that Peter has is “just a block of dirt in the bush” with no electricity or running water. Peter could not live there because it is hundreds of kilometres from his work in Sydney. The only dwelling there is a tin shed. They want Peter to live in a rough shed hundreds and hundreds of kilometres from his workplace! As for the fact that Peter is now working, when public housing tenants find work that pushes them above the threshold for initial entry into the waiting list, they are normally allowed to remain in their dwelling but then pay a higher rent. Indeed, a significant proportion of public housing tenants relocated into other public housing dwellings are people in this category. After all, a major part of the stated aim of public housing is precisely to give low-income people the stability and security of affordable housing that would make it easier for them to obtain a job that could lift their incomes – not to punish those low-wealth people lucky enough to find work. In this case, however, because the state authorities are so determined to drive out public housing tenants from Millers Point, they have used Peter’s employment as a pretext to kick him out of public housing … and into homelessness! What makes this all the more despicable is that Peter’s job working as an electrician through a labour hire firm does not give him a steady or regular flow of work at all. He is, thus, a low- income worker whose livelihood is precarious and uncertain. And now he has been made homeless as well!

For the state government and top bureaucrats to question Peter Muller’s eligibility for public housing is the very height of cynicism. After all, they are not booting him out of his home to give it to another public housing tenant. They are doing it so they can sell the house to a rich developer or speculator or landlord! Yet, by masking their true agenda and by portraying the struggle against the 32 High St eviction as one counterposed to the interests of those on public housing waiting lists, the NSW authorities felt they could get away with the following morning’s Gestapo-style raid.

The deceit and aggression that the NSW government and state authorities unleashed against Peter Muller and his supporters is what they have also used, in different forms, to drive out many other public housing tenants in the area. However, with the remaining ten to fifteen dwellings where public housing tenants remain, NSW authorities will not be able to muddy the waters by deviously claiming a technicality to justify evicting tenants as they did with Peter. The remaining tenants are pensioners – mostly single women in their 60s, 70s, 80s and in one case 90s. The authorities have accepted that they are all fully eligible public housing tenants and have “offered” them “alternate” public housing accommodation outside the area. However, these tenants are reluctant to move because they don’t want to see the end of the friendly, working class community that they have been part of building and don’t want to be forced out of the area – which many of them have lived in for decades – just for the sake of the rich. Furthermore, several of the people have serious illnesses and used to rely on support networks in the area to provide them with care and companionship. Most of all, they are reluctant to move into public housing dwellings that could have been given to people on the waiting list when they could, instead, remain in their own public housing residences rather than seeing these houses sold off to rich developers and speculators.

Yet the remaining public housing tenants have been put under intense pressure. In some cases, bullying bureaucrats have been deliberately rude and overbearing towards elderly tenants. In the Sirius Building, where two brave elderly single women remain, the authorities have placed security guards in the building to ramp up the pressure on them. Although the stated rationale for this measure is to protect the tenants, the guards are really there to restrict solidarity visits and actions in support of the tenants and to further isolate them. Thus, the guards have stopped and questioned friends of the tenants when they walked into the building with the tenant. In at least one case, they even demanded to inspect what one tenant brought home from a shopping trip! As one of the tenants put it, she feels like she is being imprisoned. Meanwhile, the housing bureaucrats continue to use their favourite trick: refusing or delaying repairs in order to make life so miserable for the tenants that they acquiesce to leaving. Recently after a fault caused hot water to be cut off in the Sirius Building, the authorities waited 13 days to fix the simple problem. In fact, the authorities here have shown the same contempt for public housing tenants and the same reluctance to listen to their concerns as the governments, councils and Grenfell Tower management did leading up to the unspeakable tragedy of London’s horrific Grenfell Tower fire.

Under immense pressure, some of the remaining elderly tenants in the area, aware of their own age and physical illnesses – and facing severe loneliness with most of their neighbours having already been pushed out – have very reluctantly accepted being relocated. The bureaucrats are putting pressure upon many of these tenants to wear being “relocated” to places quite far from their current locations. The government has never honoured the promise that they made, when they first announced that they were considering the complete sell-off of public housing in the area in late 2012, that “residents would be moved within the city.” (http://www.smh.com.au/nsw/residents-stick-to-their-point-of-community- 20121025-288bh.html) Many of these tenants are also battling to ensure that the new places that they are relocated to are suitable. But even here the cruelty of the authorities does not stop. They have in several cases dismissed the health needs of often physically fragile tenants – like the need for dwellings without many stairs in their entrances – when pushing them to accept particular relocations. Meanwhile, the tribunals hearing disputes between the tenants and the authorities have, like the rest of the courts in Australia, proven themselves to be rich people’s courts that are hostile to the needs of working class tenants.

Even as the number of remaining public housing tenants in the Millers Point, Rocks and Dawes Point area dwindles, the struggle to stop the sell off of public housing there is far, far from over. For many of the vacated dwellings have still not been sold off and still less been occupied. This means there is still time – albeit not very much – to intensify the struggle and, thereby, stop and, indeed, reverse the sell-offs. Crucially, more and more trade unionists, leftists and other supporters of public housing are becoming energised around the campaign. They have seen, too, how powerful the blockade was that kept the sheriff at bay on the first day of the struggle at 32 High St. The core group of people that were involved in that struggle are now more determined than ever. If key lessons from the defeat of that battle are drawn, the coming struggles can be much more effective.

Sell-off of Millers Point and Sirius Is Part of the Ruling Class Agenda to Privatise Public Housing

The NSW state government is lying through their teeth when they say that they are selling off public housing in the inner city to fund public housing elsewhere. We know this because they are actually selling off public housing across the state – left, right and centre! Even if the government’s claims were actually true, which they are definitely not, the whole rationale behind their sell-off agenda is anti-working class. Why should public housing have to be self-financed? Why should any new provision of public housing have to come from the sell- off of public housing elsewhere? Like public hospitals, public schools, childcare, TAFE and universities, public housing is a necessity for working class people and for all of society that ought to be provided as a right. Consider how bogus a government would sound if it claimed that in order to build badly needed new public hospitals in Western Sydney it said it had to sell off to private operators the crucial public hospitals in inner city Sydney – like RPA and St Vincents!

The moves towards “self-financing” of public housing are, indeed, part of the ruling class drive to make basic services – including healthcare and education – increasingly “user pays.” Jacking up TAFE and university fees is part of this agenda. According to the “values” of the capitalist rulers, all the services that working class people need ought to be “user pays” but all the budget items that they, the capitalists, need to keep themselves in power should come out of general revenue from taxes. Thus, none of the pro-capitalist political parties call for the massive government outlays for the organs of anti-working class repression – the police, courts, prisons and military – to be self-financed. Meanwhile, the huge and ever- increasing budget which the ruling class gives to ASIO to spy on us is certainly not “self-financed” by the spies themselves. And neither is their ABCC body which was created to attack our unions in the construction industry.

The spin that the Liberal state government is weaving for Millers Point and Sirius Building tenants – that the government needs to forcibly relocate them from their homes to finance public housing elsewhere – they are also spinning to public housing tenants elsewhere when they sell-off their homes too! For example, this is what they have been telling public housing residents in the Bulli-Woonona-Bellambi area north of Wollongong. Yet no one has seen the additional public housing dwellings because they simply don’t exist! The fact is that from Minto to Claymore to Bonyrigg to Glebe to the Illawara, Millers Point and Waterloo, state and federal governments of all stripes have overseen the slashing of public housing stock. Even a Senate inquiry admitted that from 2006 to 2013, even as the population grew, governments cut the number of public housing dwellings in Australia by 13,000. It is notable that this erosion in public housing has occurred during a period that spans the Howard Liberal government, two Rudd ALP governments, a Gillard-led ALP/Greens de-facto coalition government and the present conservative government. All the current parliamentary parties have been guilty of undermining public housing.

NSW governments have been among the worst in terms of selling off public housing. Official government figures show that in the twelve years up until June 2015 (the latest period that figures have been published for), state governments in NSW have slashed the amount of public housing by 12% (Shelter NSW, NSW housing: a factsheet, updated November 2016, https://shelternsw.org.au/sites/shelternsw.org.au/files/public/documents/fly1610factsheet- nsw_shelternsw5a.pdf). This is even as the state’s population has grown by 15% in the same period. In other words, in a 12 year period, NSW governments – both the previous ALP government up to March 2011 and the Liberal-National coalition since then – have slashed the number of public housing dwellings per resident by almost a quarter. No wonder homelessness is on the rise!

According to the NSW government’s own official figures, in just a 12 year period, first the ALP and then the Liberal state governments sold off 12% of the public housing in NSW. This is even at a time when the population has grown.

 

It is important to note that this government slashing of the amount of public housing in NSW has continued even after the conservative regime first mooted the complete privatisation of public housing in Millers Point in 2012 and even after they began the forced relocations and sell-offs in 2014. In other words, their claim that this is all about financing additional public housing construction elsewhere is just one big fat lie. Indeed, if anything, the reduction in public housing across Sydney seems to be accelerating. A report in the The Sydney Morning Herald (24 April 2016), titled, “The great public housing fire sale continues despite worsening affordability crisis” reveals that in the first three and a half months of last year alone, over $54 million in public housing was sold off to private buyers even if one excludes the sell-offs in Millers Point and Glebe! And this sell-off is not just in the inner city. The main areas that they are selling off public housing in – in addition, of course, to the Millers Point, Rocks and Dawes Point area – include Parramatta, Hurstville, Greenacre, Panania, Campsie, Fairfield, Wentworthville, Lalor Park and Canley Vale.

Recently, especially with study after study showing that not only is housing too expensive for the masses but that rents in Australia are thoroughly unaffordable, governments have been under pressure to show that they are addressing this housing crisis. Thus, they have started to claim that they are committed to “social housing.” However, here they play a neat trick with words. Social housing refers not only to public housing but also to privately-run, “community housing.” In the latter, both nominally not-for-profit as well as profit-seeking groups administer low-rent housing. However, because these private outfits running “community housing” are meant to either break even or make a profit, they discriminate against the most hard-up tents (since such tenants would pay the lowest rents or would be most in danger of defaulting on payments). For the same reason “community housing” operators are even stingier on repairing premises than public housing bureaucrats and even more ruthlessly evict tenants. Thus, while “community housing” may offer a better deal for tenants than renting in the rest of the private market, it is still a big step backwards for tenants compared to public housing. What governments have been doing, while claiming that they are committed to maintaining a level of “social housing”, is to convert public housing into “community housing.” This is a large stride towards the full privatisation of public housing and is a big step backwards for tenants and all working class people. It is worth noting that the Kensington & Chelsea Tenant Management Organisation that managed London’s destroyed Grenfell Tower and which so callously ignored tenants’ pleas to fix manifest fire and other safety hazards is also a private organisation managing social housing – complete with highly paid managers and consultants. Although, in that case, the housing remained publicly owned, the use of this private “non-profit”, “arms-length management organisation” was designed to both shield the government from criticism for under-funding maintenance and to be a step towards turning the housing into so-called “community housing.” There is little doubt that the move towards turning public housing into “community housing” in London contributed to the tragedy of the Grenfell Tower fire that killed over 80 tenants.

In January 2016, the NSW Liberal government announced that it would transfer 35% of public housing stock to privately-run “community housing” operators over 10 years. The previous year, in their reply to the NSW government’s budget, the ALP state opposition went even further and called for all public housing to be transferred into privately-run, “community housing”! Running the same agenda, the small amount of extra money that the Turnbull federal government has provided for “affordable housing” in its recent budget will not go into increasing public housing supply. Instead, it will be a handout to “community housing” operators in the form of lower interest loans. What is more, the housing thus provided will largely be out of reach of people on the public housing waiting list. For these “community housing” operators will be able to charge up to 80% of the average rent in the area that a house is in. That means that the workers – including rail, tram and bus drivers, ambulance workers, nurses, cleaners, maintenance workers, electricians, water and sewerage workers, taxi drivers, delivery drivers, office assistants and IT support staff – workers who all keep the Sydney CBD going will be largely priced out of living anywhere near their place of work if they want to access such so-called, “community housing”. Even a family living in working class Auburn and relying on a single full-time worker on the minimum wage would have to pay over half of their after tax income on rent to live in a two bedroom unit if they were able to access one of these new, supposedly “affordable”, “community housing” dwellings.

The sell-off of public housing is part of the broader privatisation of basic services that has been pursued by Liberal, ALP and Greens federal and state governments alike. The result of these privatisations is that resources that could be used to maintain and expand public services are being transferred into the pockets of rich, private businessmen. Take the case of Sydney’s Desalination Plant. Just two years after it first went into service in 2010, the state government sold off the plant through a 50 year lease to a consortium half-owned by Hastings Funds Management. Hastings is 100% owned by Westpac Bank and manages funds for wealthy big-time local investors. It has been involved in many privatisations throughout this country from airports to electricity to the Port of Newcastle. The government’s privatisation deal is so generous to Hastings and their consortium partner that the government pays them well over half a million dollars per day even when the plant is, actually, shutdown! And it so happens that from a few weeks after the rich private investors took over the plant, the desalination plant has, indeed, been shut (because Sydney’s dam levels were high enough to make the plant unnecessary to operate). By the time the 50 year lease is over, the Westpac-owned Fund and their partner will be handed over $10 billion from out of public coffers even if the plant does not see another single day of operation! (see http://www.abc.net.au/news/2013-09-27/ nsw-desalination-plant-deal-costing-customers-$10-billion/4985168). That’s well over four times what the private buyers paid for the lease! After giving away such “charity” to filthy rich private businessmen, the government then has the hide to say that it has no money left for new public housing – unless, of course, they sell off existing public housing stock.

Now, in the latest chapter in its privatisation binge, the NSW Liberal government is seeking to privatise bus services in Sydney’s Inner West and inner South-West. This will result in the cutting of bus drivers’ jobs and conditions, the axing of unprofitable bus routes and the bypassing of maintenance and safety checks. However, bus drivers are fighting back. On May 18, bus drivers unleashed a powerful, 24 hour snap strike in defiance of a ruling by the Industrial Relations Commission. The drivers, members of the Rail, Tram and Bus union, have followed this up with fare free days. No to privatisation of Sydney buses – No to privatisation of public housing!
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As the Huge Banner That Hung Over the 32 High St Action Stated: “Massively Increase Public Housing Now”

The struggle to stop the privatisation of public housing in the Millers Point, Rocks and Dawes Point area is an important part of the fight against the privatisation of public assets and against the sell-off of public housing throughout this country. We actually need a massive increase in public housing. We need it to end homelessness and to house the hundreds of thousands of people on Australian public housing waiting lists. We also need it to house the many more low-paid workers who need low-rent housing but either cannot meet the ridiculously strict waiting list entry criteria or don’t bother to get on the list because waiting times are so outlandishly long. Furthermore, we also need public housing to help the many working class people who rent privately and face unaffordable rents because the shortage of affordable accommodation caused by the dearth of public housing means that private landlords are able to get away with jacking up rents. A substantial increase in public housing will finally pressure landlords in the private market to reduce rents since they will then know that their tenants will have somewhere else to go.

However, the propagandists for the capitalist ruling class say that public housing is outdated. They claim that it is not relevant in today’s world. Yet that argument has a fatal flaw. For in the world’s most populous country, China, the government is actually massively increasing the amount of public housing. This is not only through constructing new public housing. They have also been nationalising existing private housing – the very opposite of what has been happening here. Indeed, so committed has the Peoples Republic of China (PRC) been to public housing that they have provided over 45 million additional public housing dwellings in just the last eight years! As a result, an urban Chinese resident is now some six times more likely to have access to public housing than an urban Australian resident!

One obvious reason why the PRC has been able to so spectacularly increase the provision of public housing for its people is that there is a government commitment there to provide affordable housing to working class people. However, that is not the only reason. The other major factor is that although the ruling bureaucrats in China have since the 1980s allowed a harmful level of private sector capitalists to intrude into their economy, it is still socialistic state-owned enterprises that dominate the economy in the PRC. Thus, a large part of the PRC’s public housing is built by state-owned developers – like the giant China State Construction Engineering Corporation – and is financed by the state-owned banks that thoroughly dominate the PRC’s finance sector. In contrast, here in Australia, many of the resources for public housing ends up in the pockets of private contractors who are hired to perform various stages of the construction and most of the maintenance of public housing. Public funds designated for public housing in Australia produce relatively modest outcomes since so much of every dollar nominally assigned for its construction and maintenance ends up going down the drain into the profitable pockets of wealthy private businessmen.

Just as the expansion of public housing in the PRC is part of the continued dominance of public ownership in China’s economy and part of a concerted state-led drive to lift everyone there out of poverty by 2020, the sell-off of public housing in Australia is part of the ruling class’ ongoing privatisation push and part of their drive to reduce access to services for low- income people. Thus, when we stand up for public housing here, we will also be contributing to a broader struggle to defend the public services that working class people need the most.

Lessons of the Struggle to Keep 32 High St Open for Public Housing

In order to strengthen the upcoming struggles we must learn the hard earned lessons of the fight to stop the forced eviction at 32 High St, Millers Point. Chief among these is to understand the role of the state enforcement organs. After the first day’s success in deterring the sheriff ’s planned eviction of the tenant, the Millers Point community received legal advice that the original eviction notice had been cancelled and that it would take some time before a new eviction order could be processed. Thus, many tenants and supporters felt confident that there would not be a new attempt at eviction for at least a couple of days. This confidence was, in part, generated by our strong victory on the first day but also by an expectation that the state authorities would follow their own bureaucratic procedures and rules. Of course, no one totally ruled out a surprise raid overnight which is why some people stayed in the dwelling and were given the necessary phone tree contacts. However, the belief that a raid was unlikely meant that considerably less forces were mobilised to defend the house overnight than was possible.

Next time, the movement must ensure that there are enough forces to protect the public housing dwelling being targeted for eviction 24/7 regardless of any legal procedures which the authorities may formally be required to follow. The state enforcement institutions often do not follow their own laws and procedures because they are not here to defend the law. They are here to protect the interests of the rich ruling class. This has been the case since the colonial conquest of Australia when the armed personnel of the invading power brutally suppressed Aboriginal peoples’ resistance to the conquest of their lands occupied by the wealthy amongst the colonialists. Since then, these enforcement organs have attacked the picket lines of striking workers, broken strikes, attacked pro-worker and leftist demonstrations, evicted tenants, harassed the homeless, enforced the racist oppression of Aboriginal people and unleashed attacks on scapegoated “ethnic” communities. It is true that police do sometimes catch a rapist or murderer. However, their political function is to enforce the rule of the capitalist, big business owners over the masses. Every time there is a clash between the propertied, exploiting class and the working class masses, the state machine becomes perfected and more entrenched in this purpose and the armed personnel themselves become more conscious of their role. That is why the police and sheriffs are not at all workers in the way that electricians, nurses, construction workers, wharfies and IT workers, for example, are. They are, instead, the hired enforcers of the big end of town. Enforcers who, every time they do a job on the masses, become more and more hardened in their commitment to serve those at the top of this unequal society. With every dirty deed done they become more apt at “justifying” this role to themselves with patronising notions that those doing it the hardest are lazy or otherwise “deserve” their plight and that those resisting the dominance of the ruling class are people causing trouble just for the sake of it. Thus the likes of police, sheriffs, prison guards and prosecutors should have no place in our union movement. Even when they are polite to us that is only so long as we do not resist the unfair status quo in society. It is also, often, just to give us a false sense of security. Many a striking worker has experienced police coming to a picket and joining workers at the BBQ or even kicking a footy around with picketers but the very next day coming back in force with batons unleashed to try and smash the picket and get scabs through.

The laws and regulations that the authorities impose are there to suppress us. Even when there are certain regulations which we have fought for and won to somewhat constrain their powers, they will violate these rules – to the extent we let them get away with it – if that helps them carry out their role of enforcing the interests of the big end of town. We must plan our strategies based on this core understanding.

Another lesson from the 32 High St struggle concerns the role of the media. Over the last several years, the mainstream Australian media has vilified and mocked public housing tenants. However, given the widespread support for public housing in inner-city Sydney, the media occasionally had to give more sympathetic coverage to the plight of Millers Point tenants. Yet, when the struggle against the sell-off of public housing in Millers Point, the Rocks and Dawes Point was taken to a higher, more powerful level through the blockade at 32 High St, the mainstream media again turned more hostile. Channel 7, owned by high- living billionaire Kerry Stokes as well as the government-owned ABC were, in particular, the most shameless in promoting the NSW government and state bureaucrat slanders against the evicted tenant. The mainstream media are happy to occasionally run a sympathetic piece when working class people are simply victims but once we fight back we see the media’s true colours. Their coverage will reflect the class interests of those that own or control them – that is, ultra-wealthy businessmen in the case of Channel 7 or, in the case of the ABC, the rich people’s state that serves the capitalists. We should not expect any support from the mainstream media and, most importantly, we must not tailor our struggles just to try and win support from this media. If, as an exception, the media do happen to give non-hostile coverage to one of our struggles then well and good. But we should do what is best to make our struggles as powerful as possible rather than what will be most acceptable to these hired mouthpieces of billionaire tycoons and capitalist governments.

Even more importantly, what the struggle to stop the eviction at 32 High Street confirmed yet again is that no reliance should be placed on pro-capitalist politicians – even when they claim to be on working class people’s side on a particular issue. Over the last few years, several of these politicians have stated support for the Millers Point and Sirius public housing communities. A few of these politicians have spoken out loudly and passionately against the NSW Coalition government’s sell-off plan for the Millers Point, Rocks and Dawes Point area. Some have even spoken at rallies protesting against the sell-off of public housing in the area including Labor federal deputy opposition leader, Tanya Plibersek, Labor NSW shadow minister for social housing, Tania Mihailuk, state MP for Sydney, Alex Greenwich (an independent), several Greens politicians, “independent” Sydney Lord Mayor Clover Moore and even arch-right wing reactionary Christian Democrat, Fred Nile. However, when Peter Muller was facing eviction and protesters blockaded 32 High Street to try and stop it, most of these politicians refused to take any public stand in support of the action – either verbally or in action. A partial exception was Greens state upper house member, David Shoebridge, who, to his credit, showed up to support the blockade on the first morning. Although some Greens leaders had privately promised that they would bring big numbers to support the blockade, Shoebridge was the lone Greens representative that participated. However, after saying at the blockade “we’re not going anywhere,” Shoebridge then failed to follow through: after the media slandered the tenant and then after the sheriffs and cops were able to enforce the eviction, he did not make any public stand or statement in support of the tenant or the struggle to stop the eviction.

The problem is that the various ALP, Greens and “progressive independent” politicians are as committed to upholding the existing economic-political system as the Liberals. Granted that, unlike the openly anti-working class conservatives, these “progressive” politicians would prefer it if there were some reforms to make life easier for the masses. However, because they acquiesce to the current social “order” and, hence, are committed to accepting its power structures, they are so fixated on not scaring away, or even annoying, the big capitalists that every time working class people engage in an intransigent struggle that can actually make a difference – like a blockade to prevent the eviction of a public housing tenant – their first instinct is to run a mile. Furthermore, with the partial exception of the Greens, these “progressive” politicians do not have any broader commitment to public housing themselves. To be sure, they are against the complete sell-off of public housing in the inner- city because they accept that working class people should be allowed to make up a proportion of city residents. Furthermore, they know that the campaign to save public housing in the Millers Point, Rocks and Dawes Point area is popular and, thus, there are votes in it for them! However, overall they have no commitment to decisively increasing the amount of public housing. Far from it! As we have noted above, the ALP while in government federally by itself – and when in government in a de-facto coalition with the Greens – oversaw the slashing of the amount of public housing. Today, they join the Liberals in hiding behind rhetoric about a commitment to “social housing,” while calling for public housing to be converted into “community” housing which, as we have described above, is a big and sorry step towards full privatisation.

It is worth noting that the large banner that hung over the 32 High St blockade, stating “Massively Increase Public Housing Now,” was actually first used in a protest against Tanya Plibersek when she was the federal housing minister in the first Rudd government. One of our comrades made that banner for that November 2009 protest that Trotskyist Platform called outside Tanya Plibersek’s office because of the then ALP federal government’s woefully inadequate outlay of resources for public housing. That rally turned out to be the first on the streets action for public housing in NSW in the resurgence of activism around defence of public housing that has taken place over the last seven and a half years and which must be, now, desperately intensified. As a representative of the CFMEU construction workers union, delivering a message of solidarity to that 2009 rally from the union’s then NSW president, stated: “since the mid-1970s, successive Governments have failed to adequately deliver sufficient public housing for those in our society who need such shelter.” Indeed, then housing minister Tanya Plibersek later joined with the then ALP NSW government to orchestrate the sell-off of large amounts of public housing in Claymore near Campbelltown and in Glebe. This added to similar schemes already being implemented by the then ALP state government to reduce the proportion of public housing in Minto and Bonyrigg. In Claymore, the Plibersek-NSW ALP government joint plan involved the privatisation of a quarter of the public housing in what had been the biggest public housing estate in NSW (see Plibersek’s own press release here: http://www.formerministers.dss.gov.au/2181/tp_m_ nswhousingprojects_7june2010/) – a disastrous outcome for working class people that was deepened even further by subsequent conservative NSW governments.

Left, Millers Point, May 2017: A huge banner calling for a massive increase in public housing flies proudly above the 32 High St blockade by trade unionists and other supporters of public housing. This banner was initially made for the 5 November 2009 protest outside the office of then federal housing minister, Tanya Plibersek. That rally (Right) was the first on-the-streets action for public housing in NSW in contemporary times.

 

The fact is that when it was in government in NSW, the ALP actually sold off more public housing than the arrogant Liberals later have. Thus, in the last eight years of the former ALP government up to 2011, they slashed the public housing stock in NSW by 11%. When population growth is taken into account, this represents a cut in the amount of public housing coverage by close to one in five. Indeed, it was that previous ALP state government that actually began the sale of public housing in Millers Point. In two lots, they sold off 36 vacant homes (http://www.smh.com.au/nsw/residents-stick-to-their-point-of- community-20121025-288bh.html) in the late noughties while holding back on the repair and maintenance of the existing homes. This paved the way for the conservatives to come in with their sledge hammer approach and sell off the houses from under the very feet of public housing tenants.

In the case of Tanya Plibersek there is also a particular conflict of interest that, additionally, holds her back from following through on her claimed support for public housing in the area. Her husband, Michael Coutts-Trotter is one of the chief bureaucrats overseeing the sell-off of public housing in the Millers Point, Rocks and Dawes Point area. He is the head of the Department of Family and Community Services. When the government announced its decision to sell off the public housing in the area, Coutts-Trotter stood right alongside Community Services minister, Pru Goward, in pushing the lies and spin justifying the sale, stating that:

“There is massive demand for residential housing in this area; it [the sell- off] is going to free up a very large amount of money for reinvestment in social housing.”

The Sydney Morning Herald, 19 March 2014, http://www. smh.com.au/nsw/sydney-waterfront-public-housing-proper- ties-to-be-sold-off-20140319-351fs.html

Even more significant here than any personal conflict of interest for Plibersek is the more fundamental conflict between the ALP’s stated purpose to improve the lives of working class people and the reality that its strategy to achieve this, through administering the capitalist state, necessarily – whether the particular individual involved is taking part in administering this state as a high-level bureaucrat or as a government minister – means enforcing the interests of the capitalist exploiters against the interests of working class people.

That is why the struggle for public housing – just like all campaigns for the rights of working class people – must not rely at all on pro-capitalist politicians but, instead, rely entirely on the power and unity of working class people, our trade unions and other downtrodden sections of the community. Most crucially, we must ensure that the direction of the movement is not in the least modified to ensure acceptance by any mainstream politicians that state support for the campaign. Given that those pro-establishment politicians claiming to support the Millers Point struggle are not more broadly for public housing, they have been pulling the campaign towards narrowly focusing on the particularities of the Millers Point/Rocks/ Dawes Point area rather than emphasising that the campaign is part of the overall fight to defend public housing everywhere. Any step in this direction weakens the ability of the campaign to inspire broader support from public housing tenants elsewhere, from those on the public housing waiting list and from other opponents of privatisation. Furthermore, any narrowing of the focus to just the Millers Point/Rocks/Dawes Point area can end up being manipulated by the NSW Liberal government to spin its devious narrative about the issue. As we saw all too clearly with the struggle to stop the eviction at 32 High St, the state government is trying to sell people the utterly despicable and cynical lie that they are selling off public housing in Millers Point for the good of public housing elsewhere and that those tenants resisting are selfish people protecting their own interests at the expense of tenants elsewhere. This underscores why it is vital that the movement disregards the sensibilities of any pro-capitalist politicians pledging support and ever more forthrightly make front and centre of the campaign the idea that its struggle to stop the sell-off of public housing in the CBD area is part of a broader fight to oppose the slashing of public housing everywhere and is, in fact, part and parcel of the struggle to win a massive increase in public housing in Australia. It is a struggle on the side of all public housing tenants, a struggle on the side of all those on the public housing waiting lists, a struggle for the many more working class people who need public housing but aren’t on the waiting list and a fight that stands by the interests of the many working class people who rent privately and face unaffordable rents. More broadly, we must ever more directly locate this campaign as part of the struggle against the ruling class’ attacks on all public services and a struggle against their attacks on our trade unions. Any undermining of public housing is an attack on our unions because like other measures which target the poor and unemployed they make the prospect of life after losing one’s job so unbearably miserable that it can intimidate some workers – fearful of being sacked by the boss or being identified as one of the staunch unionists who are invariably at the top of the bosses’ list to be axed in the event of retrenchments – from participating in the union fight for rights at work.

There’s Still Time Left to Stop and Reverse the Public Housing Sell-Off

It is true that the government has managed to drive out most of the public housing tenants from the Millers Point, Rocks and Dawes Point area. However, a few tenants remain. Most significantly, many of the public housing dwellings have still not been sold off and still less have been occupied. While vacated houses remain unoccupied there remains the chance to build mass action – buttressed by the power of our trade unions – to reclaim these dwellings for public use. These unoccupied houses should be used to shelter the homeless and those on the public housing waiting list and not sold off to greedy developers and wealthy speculators!

Furthermore, there has been an event internationally that should give this struggle new hope. This is connected to the fact that part of what is driving the NSW government’s obsessive campaign against Millers Point public housing is not only its overall push to slash public housing but, additionally, its subservience to the interests of billionaire James Packer whose Crown Group is building a high rollers casino and six-star hotel in the very nearby Barangaroo. For Packer and his government servants, having working class people in the area is an “eyesore” for the wealthy clientele who they hope will frequent the luxury resort that Packer expects to make billions from. Meanwhile, the NSW government is determined to clear out working class tenants in order to help its rich developer mates make a fortune from turning Millers Point into luxury accommodation for resort executives and patrons. However, although Packer can get whatever he wants in capitalist Australia he found that things are not the same in China. On June 26, the Peoples Republic of China (PRC) jailed 16 of his wealthy executives after they all pleaded guilty to charges of illegally luring Chinese high rollers to use Packer’s casinos in Australia and elsewhere. One of Crown corporation’s highest flying executives, Melbourne-based boss of VIP operations Jason O’Connor received a 10 month sentence. The PRC, understandably, wants to stop money flows to casino accounts being used to subvert its strict control on money movements by the rich. Under the PRC’s socialistic system it is public ownership that dominates, not the interests of rich private sector bigwigs. The effect of the PRC’s crackdown is that it has shown Packer and his henchmen that they will not be able to get away with illegally luring casino clients from China. Without customers from the world’s most populous country, Packer’s Barangaroo casino may now be unviable and media are reporting that Crown is reconsidering the entire project. If the resort project is indeed killed off then that would not only potentially allow the scenic Barangaroo area to be used for what it should be – for public recreational space or badly needed public housing – but would also remove part of the fuel powering the government’s turbo-charged drive to kick out public housing tenants from Millers Point. Furthermore, even if the China arrests do not in themselves kill Crown’s casino project, we should use the blow that the Peoples Republic of China has landed against Packer and his henchmen to encourage our own struggle here. For these blows have shown that Packer and his fellow billionaires are not invincible. What we must do is unite working class people to fight back against the tyranny of the tycoons and stand up to the governments and state institutions that serve the marauding tycoons’ interests.

James Packer with Liberal Party prime minister, Malcolm Turnbull. When the NSW Liberal Party sells off public housing in Millers Point it is acting in the interests of James Packer and its other big end of town mates.

 

The struggle for public housing is a key battleground in the overall struggle of working class people against the all-sided offensive that the capitalist rulers are waging against their rights. For three and a half decades, Australia’s filthy rich corporate bosses and the governments that serve them have waged a war on working class people’s rights: they have sold off public housing, cut off payments to low-income single mothers, made TAFE and university more expensive, underfunded public schools and public hospitals, attacked our unions, casualised the workforce, sacked workers whenever that helps them make even more profits and made life for those not fortunate enough to have a job even more miserable. It is time for us and our unions to fight back! The Millers Point, Rocks and Dawes Point tenants resisting the sell-off of public housing have opened up a new front in our fightback. Let’s mobilise behind this struggle with ever greater vigour. The way we trade unionists, public housing tenants and other supporters of working class interests were able to repulse the sheriff who was set to evict the 32 High St tenant on the first day of that battle shows the power that we have. By learning the lessons of the subsequent defeat of that 32 High St battle – most importantly that the state institutions were created to serve the exclusive interests of the big end of town which means we cannot trust them to abide by their own rules and procedures – by learning important lessons like this we can win future victories. The way that the public housing tenants and ex-tenants of Millers Point, the Rocks and Dawes Point have so resiliently resisted in the face of incessant pressure should inspire us to give it our best shot. The future rests in our strong, working class hands.

SMASH THE CUTS TO SERVICES WORKING CLASS PEOPLE NEED THE MOST!

Above: China, May 2013: Prospective tenants visit a new public rental housing complex in Shanghai. In the first nine and a half months of 2015, socialistic China had started construction of almost 7 million public housing units. The Chinese government has planned for 18 million public housing dwellings to be built or rebuilt between 2015 and 2017.

STOP THE SELL-OFF OF PUBLIC HOUSING!
MASSIVELY INCREASE PUBLIC HOUSING JUST LIKE SOCIALISTIC CHINA IS DOING!

On 16 July 2015, a speakout rally was held in the multi-racial working class Sydney suburb of Auburn to oppose the cuts by governments of all stripes to public services. The protest was held under the slogans, Smash the Cuts to Services Working Class People Need the Most! Stop the Sell-Off Public Housing. Massively Increase Public Housing – Just Like China is Doing. No to Abbott’s Squeezing of Public Hospitals and Schools. Rollback the Former ALP Government’s Cut to the Sole Parent Payment.

The demonstration was held because the capitalist big-end of town and the governments that serve them are waging all-sided attacks on the services that working class people need the most. These attacks, alongside bosses’ cuts to workers’ conditions, are making life harder and harder for working class people. Whether we are employed workers, unemployed workers, single mothers, pensioners or students, we are all feeling the pinch.

One of the crucial public services that are under attack is public housing. We need public housing because the greedy private sector developers who determine what is built in the private sector know that they can make a lot more money building expensive homes for the wealthy rather than affordable homes for the masses.

Bulli, 11 October 2014: Members of the Illawara-based Public Housing Union and pro-public housing activists from Sydney – including Millers Point residents and Trotskyist Platform supporters – protest the sell-off of yet another public housing dwelling as yuppy real estate agents conducting the sale look on.
Bulli, 11 October 2014: Members of the Illawara-based Public Housing Union and pro-public housing activists from Sydney – including Millers Point residents and Trotskyist Platform supporters – protest the sell-off of yet another public housing dwelling as yuppy real estate agents conducting the sale look on.

So we need low-rent public housing to alleviate this situation. But what are governments doing? The very opposite! From Millers Point and the Rocks in the inner city to Auburn, Bonyrigg and Claymore in western and south-western Sydney to Bellambi and Wollongong in the Illawara, the authorities are selling off or demolishing public Continue reading SMASH THE CUTS TO SERVICES WORKING CLASS PEOPLE NEED THE MOST!

FIGHT FOR PROPER MAINTENANCE OF PUBLIC HOUSING. STOP THE NEGLECT AND STOP THE SELL-OFFS

One of the damaged pipes that the NSW Department of Housing and wealthy maintenance contractor Spotless had left in a terrible state of disrepair at a public housing residence in Waterloo in inner city Sydney.
One of the damaged pipes that the NSW Department of Housing and wealthy maintenance contractor Spotless had left in a terrible state of disrepair at a public housing residence in Waterloo in inner city Sydney.

FIGHT FOR PROPER MAINTENANCE OF PUBLIC HOUSING

STOP THE NEGLECT AND STOP THE SELL-OFFS

THE SUFFERING OF A PUBLIC HOUSING TENANT

The tenant, sixty year-old Virginia Hickey, wants her story told as she knows that many others living in public housing are going through similar experiences. Ms Hickey (known affectionately as “Aunty Bowie”) has lived in her house in Douglas Street in the inner city Sydney suburb of Waterloo for many years. She is the primary carer for two of her grandchildren and, additionally, two younger grandchildren, one with a serious diabetic condition, stay with her on weekends.

28 June 2014: Members of the Illawarra-based Public Housing Union, Millers Point public housing tenants, supporters of public housing and Trotskyist Platform rally in Auburn to defend public housing. The main rally banner reads: “Stop the Sell Off of Public Housing! Smash the Attacks on Services That Working Class People Need the Most. Massively Increase Public Housing – Just Like What China Is Doing”
28 June 2014: Members of the Illawarra-based Public Housing Union, Millers Point public housing tenants,
supporters of public housing and Trotskyist Platform rally in Auburn to defend public housing. The main rally banner reads: “Stop the Sell Off of Public Housing! Smash the Attacks on Services That Working Class People Need the Most. Massively Increase Public Housing – Just Like What China Is Doing”

The family’s ordeal actually began several years ago. Maintenance on the home was so neglected by the housing authorities that the whole place was falling apart the stove was not working, the taps were faulty and everything from the roof to the walls to the flooring were in a terrible condition. Eventually, after pressing the Continue reading FIGHT FOR PROPER MAINTENANCE OF PUBLIC HOUSING. STOP THE NEGLECT AND STOP THE SELL-OFFS

MASSIVELY INCREASE PUBLIC HOUSING! SOCIALISTIC CHINA IS DOING THAT SO LET’S FIGHT FOR THE SAME HERE!

One of China’s many new public housing complexes. Last year China started construction of over ten million new public housing dwellings.

MASSIVELY INCREASE PUBLIC HOUSING!
SOCIALISTIC CHINA IS DOING THAT
SO LET’S FIGHT FOR THE SAME HERE!

5 June 2012 – More and more of Australia’s poor are skipping meals because they can’t afford to pay for the food. In an annual survey by the Salvation Army of those who have sought its help, more than half the respondents admitted to skipping meals in order to pay for other necessities (ABC News Website, 16 May.) Other startling findings were that a third of those surveyed could not afford heating and a third could not afford medicine prescribed by their doctor.

Charities are reporting that an increasing number of people are seeking their help. Low-income people are being crippled by punishing rents and utility charges. And job slashing by business bosses are hitting working class people hard. The official spin about the supposedly low unemployment rate masks the reality that about 600,000 people are officially unemployed in this country. However, perhaps an even greater number of people are not recorded in official unemployment figures only because long-term lack of success in finding a job has discouraged them from looking for work or because they are a single parent unable to find affordable childcare. Meanwhile, one and a half million people are not able to get as many hours of work as they want to. They are not counted in the deceitful, official unemployment figures as those figures will not classify a person as unemployed if they obtain as little as one hour of work in a week. The drive of the business owners to maximize profits is forcing more and more workers into tenuous, low-wage casual jobs. That is why charities are reporting that an increasing proportion of those seeking help are not unemployed people but the working poor. These are typically people with young children who just can’t get enough hours in part-time jobs to get by or can’t make ends meet on the paltry minimum wage. Continue reading MASSIVELY INCREASE PUBLIC HOUSING! SOCIALISTIC CHINA IS DOING THAT SO LET’S FIGHT FOR THE SAME HERE!