Photo Above:Palestinians inspect the damage to buildings that were attacked by the Israeli army in the refugee camp of Tulkarm in the north of the West Bank on 12 September 2024. While carrying our a genocide of the Palestinian people of Gaza, the U.S. and Australian imperialist-backed Israeli regime has been escalating its attacks on the people of the West Bank. Photo: Nidal Eshtayeh/Xinhua
STAND WITH PALESTINE! STAND WITH THE CFMEU!
RESIST OUR COMMON AUSTRALIAN CAPITALIST ENEMIES!
19 September 2024 – Nowhere are the Palestinian people safe in their homeland. Israel is massacring Gaza’s people in Israel’s own designated “safe zones” and in schools turned into shelters – even the ones run by the UN. Israel has also escalated its assaults in the West Bank. From its assassination of Ismail Haniyeh in Iran to its deadly air strikes on Syria to its bombings of Lebanon’s people, Israel’s terror is expanding. The only reason that Israel’s rulers are able to do all this is because of the massive support that they receive from the U.S., Australian and British imperialists. Let us not be fooled when these imperialists call for “ceasefire now”! They are just trying to limit the damage to their battered, self-appointed, “pro-human rights” image. They truly only want a “ceasefire” that’s based on greater Israeli control of Gaza.
Their puppets are also playing a criminal role. The exploding pagers that killed dozens of Lebanese people were made by a Taiwanese firm. Given that Taiwan’s rulers have long been rabid Israel backers, it is likely that Taiwanese ruling class actors were part of the plot. During South Africa’s Apartheid era, the Taiwanese, Israeli and Apartheid regimes formed an unholy alliance that assisted the Apartheid and Israeli regimes to acquire nukes. This Taiwanese firm is especially suspicious. For its CEO’s claim that they had not made the pagers but only sold its trademark overseas has been proven to be a bald-faced lie! The “manufacturer” that the Taiwanese boss blamed was found to be a trader with no manufacturing facilities!
Yet despite all these powerful forces arrayed against them, Palestinian forces are heroically resisting. And not only in Gaza. Following on from July’s China-brokered unity agreement that brought together Fatah, Hamas, PFLP and others, Palestinian forces are fighting in the West Bank in a more united way. We have a huge responsibility to stand by this resistance given that we live under one of the regimes facilitating Israel’s tyranny. We must escalate our actions standing by the Palestinian people! Let us stand with Syria and Iran against Israel and the Western capitalist powers supporting them! Let us stand with Lebanese and Yemeni people resisting genocide! Let us demand: Israeli troops and fascist settlers get out of all of Gaza and the West Bank! Stop the Australian regime’s participation in Israel’s genocide!
FOR A PRO-PALESTINE MOVEMENT THAT IMPLACABLY OPPOSES THE AUSTRALIAN RULING CLASS THAT IS PARTICIPATING IN GENOCIDE!
Huge numbers have joined weekly Sydney marches organised by the Palestine Action Group. Alongside global protests, these actions have exposed the Western regimes behind Israel and thus compelled them to make concessions – prodding Israel to murder Gaza’s people at a lower speed than it would like to. But we should not be satisfied! A slower genocide is still a horrific genocide! We must realise the Palestine movement’s potential to have a much greater impact! Now!
The problem with the movement is not that “we need to get more creative with our organising”. Indeed, the organising has been fantastic. The sole flaw of the movement that we must correct is its political direction. Actually, there are promising aspects about this. Rally chants have become more hard-hitting – especially ones like Labor Party you can’t hide, we charge you with genocide! Yet there is simultaneously a different message coming from the protests: an appeal to Australia’s rulers to support the Palestinian cause. To appeal to the ruling class as a potential friend is actually completely counterposed to condemning them as a genocide-enabling enemy that we are demanding to back off from their support for Israel. Yet, currently these two lines are co-existing in the movement. But Australia’s imperialist rulers will never support the Palestinian cause. For they are backing Israel because it is in theirown predatory interests – and not just those of their U.S. allies. Australia’s capitalists not only exploit local workers but plunder even more ruthlessly the peoples of the South West Pacific and Southeast Asian region. To guarantee this neo-colonial rape, Australia’s ruling class allies with the U.S. superpower. So for the sake of their own tyranny in this region, Australia’s imperialist rulers need U.S. power to be maintained, which is why they want to protect the USA’s Israeli attack dog in the strategic Middle East.
The biggest problem with appealing to Australia’s rulers is that it makes the pro-Palestine movement far less able to arm-twist the ruling class into retreating from their support for Israel. For if the capitalist rulers are not being opposed as an implacable enemy, the movement is doing the ruling class far less political damage than it could. Such political damage is not the same as electoral damage. Sure, the ALP tops would be upset if they lost the next election. But ultimately, the main feature that defines ALP politicians and those from all the current parliamentary parties is their loyalty to the filthy rich owners of Australia’s mines, construction firms, factories, banks, agri-businesses, the power sector, tech firms and big retailers – who are the ultimate power in Australia. What would most damage this capitalist class (who can be of any race but in Australia are mainly white Protestants) and their political servants is if there is a growing movement that brands them as an unambiguous enemy and mobilises actions against them. The Palestine movement needs to urgently transform into such a movement. It is partly there. But it needs to remove all appeals to Australia’s capitalist rulers from its agenda.
Among those pushing appeals to Australia’s rulers to “act” for Palestine are the pro-ALP, ACTU union leaders. Saying that the government “should do more”, the ACTU tops call for Australia to put sanctions on Israel. This seemingly pro-Palestine slant disguises a treacherous intent – to provide an alibi for their ALP parliamentary mates. By saying that the government “should do more”, they are hiding the truth that not only is the ruling class here doing absolutely nothing to defend the Palestinian people, they are instead doing much harm: from helping operate the U.S.-Australia Pine Gap spy base that is directing Israel’s missiles, to participating in the Red Sea military operation against Yemeni opponents of Israel, to providing military supplies to Israel. Two days ago, the Australian regime joined the U.S., British, Ukrainian, South Korean, Israeli and other Western-aligned regimes in refusing to support a UN motion to end Israel’s occupation that was voted for by two-thirds of the world. True support for Palestinian people would not make futile appeals to the enemy that prettify its nature but would demand that the Australian capitalist enemy withdraw from their participation in genocide. It would demand: Close the Pine Gap spy base! U.S./Australian/British troops get out of the Red Sea! Stop Australian military supplies to Israel!
Within the Palestine movement, this diversionary, “the Australian government should do more” line is pushed by the Greens. For, although individual Greens politicians have powerfully condemned Israel’s genocide, the Greens do not consistently oppose Australian ruling class support for Israel. During the early phase of this latest Israeli war, the Greens officially took a nauseatingly, “even-handed” “condemn both sides” stance. Today, they retain elements of this stance. Moreover, ultimately, the Greens uphold the imperialist domination of the world that underpins Israel’s tyranny. They supported NATO’s 2011 “regime-change” war on Libya and imperialism’s proxy war against the not-obedient-enough Syrian government. Just a year ago, they fed into the U.S.-led war drive against Iran by pushing for the imperialist Australian regime to more harshly sanction Iran – which is very different to supporting an explicitly anti-imperialist, pro-working class opposition to the women-oppressing, Iranian capitalist regime. Today, the Greens back all the Western-backed forces seeking to undermine socialistic rule in China. For the Greens are ultimately a party that also represents the capitalist class – albeit its liberal-progressive wing, as well as the pro-capitalist sections of the progressive-minded affluent professionals. Thus, although much of the capitalist class is angered at Greens leaders speaking at pro-Palestine events, at the same time, however, the capitalist rulers remain largely reassured by this. For the movement’s links to the Greens prevent it from becoming a consistent force against Australian imperialism and the Australian capitalist ruling class. We need to urgently liberate the Palestine movement from loyalty to the Greens!
FOR FULL-SCALE CLASS WAR AGAINST AUSTRALIA’S CAPITALIST EXPLOITING CLASS!
If the Palestine movement is able to transform into a movement of irreconcilable opposition to the Australian ruling class it would be able to intersect with the widespread fury at these rulers over unaffordable rents, rising living costs and racist scapegoating of migrants and refugees. Many from Asian, Middle Eastern, Pacific Islander and African backgrounds are also angry about Western neo-colonial depredations in their homelands. Right now, workers are especially furious at the regime’s takeover of the militant CFMEU union. Every genuine supporter of the Palestinian people must support worker resistance to this attack on the CFMEU as this has the potential to bash the genocide-enabling Australian capitalist class onto the back foot. We must connect the pro-Palestine movement with the resistance to this union-busting attack. Already, some speakers at Palestine rallies have proclaimed solidarity with the CFMEU. That is a start. However, the ruling class will not feel threatened unless the movement as a whole declares opposition to the regime takeover of the CFMEU. That means slogans like “Hands Off the CFMEU” must become part of the official slogans for each Palestine action and must be included on the front main rally banner alongside opposition to Israel’s genocide. However, to do this is a big political step. For one, taking such a stance implicitly means abandoning the strategy of appealing to the capitalist rulers. Secondly, taking such a clear side in the class war will necessarily put off the small number of capitalist and other strongly pro-capitalist individuals attending Palestine rallies. But so be it! Australian ruling class support for Israel’s genocide must be stopped! The Palestine movement must be turned into one that can compel the capitalist enemy here at home to end its participation in this atrocity! This is the only way.
If we do this, then pro-CFMEU actions could also take on an explicitly pro-Palestine character and pro-Palestine contingents could be arranged to join CFMEU worker strike rallies and vice versa. However, for this to be fully realised and for worker outrage at the attack on the CFMEU to turn into a powerful indefinite strike action, something else needs to happen. There needs to be built a new, militant leadership of our unions and a new workers party connected to it. This is made possible by large numbers of working class people now turning away from the ALP at disgust at both its attack on the CFMEU and its support for Israel’s genocide. However, if this support goes to the pro-imperialist and capitalist-accepting Greens, it will not be a step forward. What we must build is a workers party that will support militant class struggle and oppose every one of Australian imperialism’s actions – including its acts against Palestine. Such a party would understand that positive change will not come from gaining office to administer regime institutions serving the imperialist, exploiting class. Rather, it will come through class struggle and other progressive actions. Let’s build such a revolutionary workers party to organise this struggle. Let’s transform the Palestine movement into a force of uncompromising opposition to Australia’s imperialist rulers! Let’s build joint resistance to the war on Palestine and the war on the CFMEU!
In addition to the above articles contained in the print version, the following important articles below also form an integral part of Issue 27. All these articles had been published as leaflets and mailed out to subscribers in the period before Issue 27 appeared in print form. They were not included in the print version only to allow space for newer articles given the large volume of articles issued in this period:
As Chinese Premier Arrives for Australia Visit, Rally Demands that China’s Pro-Working Class Housing Policies Be Implemented Here in Australia
Campaign Activates to Drive Down the Unaffordable Rents in Australia
16 June 2024: Literally millions of Australia’s working poor, old-aged pensioners and unemployed workers are being driven into hardship by soaring rents and house prices. Therefore, to re-activate with new urgency a campaign to drive down Australia’s unaffordable rents, a rally and march was conducted yesterday to demand the measures needed to drive down rents. The action called for a massive increase in public housing and for the measures needed to release into the housing supply the vacant homes of the ultra-rich. The protest was organised by Trotskyist Platform and the Australian Chinese Workers Association.
Many of the measures needed here are being successfully implemented by the socialistic Peoples Republic of China to ensure adequate housing for her lower-income workers, younger workers and aged and disabled pensioners. That is why yesterday’s rally was timed to coincide with the visit to Australia of China’s premier, Li Qiang. As the call-out for yesterday’s rally put it:
“We demand that instead of delivering hypocritical lectures to China over `human rights’ and spending huge resources in a provocative military buildup targeting China, the Australian regime starts implementing China’s pro-working class housing policies. Australia’s super-rich ruling class are happy to take huge amounts of China’s money from their exports to China, we demand that they also take China’s `Houses are for living, not for speculation’-policy home!”
Yesterday’s action began with an introduction by rally emcee, Yuri Gromov, who is also the editor of TheSpark – the journal of Trotskyist Platform. The following were his introductory remarks (all the speeches quoted in this article have been edited for publication):
“We are gathering here today on the stolen land of the Gadigal people of the Eora Nation to fight against the unaffordable rents and house prices in Australia.
“The housing affordability crisis indeed highlights the intense current and historic racist oppression that Aboriginal people face. The last census showed that the rate of homelessness for First Nations People was eight times higher than for the rest of the population.
“The lack of affordable housing and rental accommodation is hurting nearly all working class people. According to the Australian census in 2021 more than 122,000 people were officially homeless. Everyone can see from observing the streets that homelessness has surged since then. For every homeless person and for many more on the verge of becoming homeless, skipping meals and postponing essential medical and dental consultations is commonplace. Parents are faced with a terrible choice: not pay for a child’s school excursion or not to pay rent.
“The Sydney median rent is now $770 per week – 87% of the minimum wage for a full-time worker! Many younger workers are not able to get full-time work and so can’t afford rent. The rental crisis is also hurting older working class people. Many who are now living in caravans and cars are middle-aged and older single women.
“The lack of affordable accommodation is causing more domestic violence against women – many women in abusive relationships have no choice but to remain where they are to just keep a roof over their (and their children’s) heads.
“This crisis is a result of the failure of the so-called `free-market’ system. Profit-driven developers know that they can make more profit building extravagant homes for the wealthy than homes affordable to the poor. So, while the rich have many homes to buy up for themselves, there is a huge shortage of homes that working class people can afford to rent or buy.
“That is why we need public housing. Which is exactly what Australian governments of all stripes have been busy selling off. The proportion of people in public housing in Australia is now less than 3%. This proportion is half what it was 25 years ago. And this privatisation of public housing has been taking place whether it is the Liberals, the ALP or an ALP-Greens coalition in office.
“With so little public housing left, private landlords can jack up rents because tenants have nowhere else to go. So, we are here today to demand an end to all selloffs of public housing and, instead, call for a massive increase in public housing. With Australia’s capitalist government only serving the big end of town no matter which party is in office, we know that the only way we are going to win these demands is through mass struggle. Today’s rally is part of building for the type of mass class-struggle action that we need.
“With the rental crisis so severe, people need immediate relief even before more public housing can be built. Therefore, we call for measures to force the super-rich to release their vacant homes into the housing supply. The last census showed that 10% of Australia’s dwellings were unoccupied. Many of these are homes the super-rich keep just for speculation or as multiple vacation homes. Such housing speculation by the wealthy is encouraged through generous tax concessions that the government gives for negative gearing and capital gains. We say that these tax concessions should be ended and the public money that’s saved should be diverted into public housing. We demand a ban on people owning more than three homes. That way the ultra-rich will be forced to release many of their vacant homes into the housing supply.
“Ruling class commentators say that such restrictions on the `free market’ and a focus on public housing is impractical. They say that it is outdated and that it goes against the laws of economics. However, there is a huge problem with that kind of argument. For Australia’s biggest trading partner and the number one economic success story of the 21st century, that is the Peoples Republic of China, actually does have a focus on public housing and measures to reduce housing speculation. Indeed, the official name of China’s housing policy is: `Houses are For Living, Not for Speculation.’ Under this policy many parts of China restrict the amount of homes that the wealthy can own. In her capital Beijing, for example, only residents of the city can buy homes and are restricted to owning two homes per individual or family plus an additional home in the far outer suburbs.
“Moreover, socialistic China has focused on providing public housing for her lower-income people. More than one out of every four homes in China is now public housing. By contrast, just one out of every 36 homes in Australia belongs to the public housing stock.
“In just a few hours time, the Chinese premier Li Qiang will land in Australia for a high-profile visit. In the lead-up to the visit, the Australian media have been attacking China over supposed aggression and supposed `human rights violations’. We demand that instead of making such lying attacks on China, Australia’s capitalist rulers implement China’s pro-working class housing policies here. Working class people in Australia desperately need this.”
The rally was then addressed by Chairman of the Australian-Chinese Workers Association, David Chen:
“The Australian Chinese Workers Association is proud to be one of the endorsers of this action to fight for lower rents and lower housing costs. I want to acknowledge that we are gathering here on the stolen Aboriginal land of the Gadigal People of the Eora Nation.
“Rents have now reached unbearable levels for working class people. Even in working class Granville in Western Sydney, an area that I am familiar with, the median rent for a two bedroom apartment is now $500 per week. That is nearly 60% of the minimum wage for a full-time worker! Like our fellow working class Australians of all ethnicities, ethnic Chinese workers in Australia have been suffering under these increasingly unaffordable rents and housing costs. Like many other workers in this country, many Australian Chinese workers are not using heaters during the cold winter to be able to pay rent.
“The solution to these problems is obvious. We need to force governments of all stripes to massively increase public housing. Secondly, we need to release into the housing supply the huge number of homes that the ultra-rich keep unoccupied for speculation. To do this, we must insist that the super-rich be banned from owning more than three homes.
“Do not let politicians and media tell you that this is not practical. I want to share our experience as immigrants from China. In our home country, the government has focused on public housing over the last sixteen years. Moreover, to ensure that homes go to those who need them rather than being kept by the wealthy for speculation, most parts of China have policies restricting how many homes the rich can own. For example, in Guangzhou, the biggest city in the southern Guangdong province that I am from, people can own at most two homes. Moreover, in this mega-city, more public housing is now being built than private housing.
“So, such measures are indeed very realistic. But with Australian governments serving only the ultra-rich big end of town, they are not going to implement the policies that we need to lower rents unless we force them to. So Australian working class people of all ethnicities must unite to fight for a massive increase in public housing and a ban on people owning more than three homes. We in the Australian Chinese Workers Association pledge to do all we can to support this crucial struggle.
Rally emcee Yuri Gromov then provided additional detail on socialistic China’s pro-working class housing policies:
“China’s push on public housing began around 2008 and saw the state provide 70 million new public housing dwellings in the space of a decade. This included both low-rent public rental housing and low-cost public housing which was sold to lower-middle income occupants for a 70 year period and which the occupants could only sell back to the state.
“Today, China is making a renewed push to increase the amount of public housing. Most of the new public housing will be public rental housing. According to the 2021-2025 Five Year Plan, which China is ahead of schedule to meet, 6.5 million new public rental housing dwellings are being provided to house 20 million people. Even accounting for China’s big population, this is a further huge boost to public housing in China. Proportionate to population it is the same as if 375,000 people were to be granted public housing in Australia within five years. That is dozens of times more than what the Albanese government is even promising to provide.
“Notably, a recent Chinese government announcement made a few weeks ago stated that Chinese local governments and state-owned enterprises would begin aggressively buying up excess private housing and turning them into public housing. This is the direct opposite of the privatisation of public housing that Australian governments have been ruthlessly engaged in.
“China’s policies to stop housing speculation go beyond just the restrictions on the number of homes that people can buy. For example, China’s banks are not allowed to providing housing loans to people who already own two homes. Moreover, depending on the city, laws are made to discourage the purchase of second homes. Thus, in China’s biggest city, Shanghai, people seeking to buy a second home must pay a 35% deposit on the price, much higher than the deposit needed for people buying a first home.”
Next to address the demonstration was Trotskyist Platform central committee member, Samuel Kim. He has personally felt the sharpness of Australia’s rental affordability crisis, with his landlord recently putting up his rent by around 25% in one hit. Samuel Kim began his speech by detailing the suffering caused by rising rents: “Sisters and brothers, today over 400,000 women over 45 are at risk of homelessness according to the Housing for the Aged Action Group.”
The Trotskyist Platform representative then outlined a class-struggle strategy to fight for lower rents:
“Let’s make the rich sell off their excess homes! Housing is for living in, not for speculating! Australian billionaire Mike Cannon-Brookes owns $350 million worth of property – consisting of several unoccupied lavish mansions and holiday homes. That is why we in Trotskyist Platform demand that any dwelling owned by a household with more than five million dollars worth of property assets, and is unoccupied for more than two months within a year, should be confiscated and turned into public housing.
“But how are we going to win these demands? The Liberals, Far-Right parties and Teals/independents openly serve rich property speculators. Many of these politicians themselves own multiple properties. The ALP for its part always bows to this big end of town. And these ALP politicians also own multiple properties – Albanese personally once owned four properties and Tony Burke and Linda Burney both own five properties. The Greens do offer more for renters. But the Greens’ plans are not exclusively for public housing but will see public money handed over to private landlords for so-called “affordable housing”– money that should be used to build up public housing. Moreover, because the Greens accept the dominance of the capitalist economy, the Greens never deliver on their progressive promises.
“The only way we are going to win the measures needed is through mass struggle that can force the ruling class to grant us concessions. We must especially mobilise the industrial power of the union movement in this struggle. When governments attempt to sell off public housing this should be stopped through protest occupations – like the 6 August 2017 occupation of a block in Millers Point by leftists, trade unionists and other supporters of public housing. Similarly, we should build towards mass direct actions to requisition the unoccupied housing of the ultra-rich into the public housing stock. We should build a true workers party to organise such militant struggles and to build a class struggle fight for the conversion of all gig jobs into secure, permanent ones.
“If we are to succeed in such struggles, we must oppose the ruling class’ attempts to scapegoat migrants. It is a complete lie that migration is to blame for rising rents. After all the steepest rent rises were in 2021 when there was absolutely zero migration due to COVID travel restrictions. To stop the ruling class getting itself off the hook through diverting people’s frustrations onto others, we must go out of our way to defend the targeted groups. We must call for the full rights of citizenship for all migrants, refugees and international students. We must demand that the refugees imprisoned in PNG and Nauru be brought here and freed. And we must oppose all racist scapegoating of Aboriginal people.
“Sisters and brothers, the right to housing is one of the most basic of human rights. Yet the capitalist regime in this country, which poses such a threat to this right, also claims to be the guardian of `human rights’. In the lead-up to the Chinese premier Li Qiang’s visit, which will begin shortly, the ruling class media and politicians have been calling on Albanese to attack China forcefully over `human rights’ when he meets Li Qiang. But Albanese has no right to! For socialistic China does a far better job in ensuring housing for its masses than the capitalist rulers here. Thus, to ensure that the homes built there go to the masses, many parts of China have restrictions on the amount of homes that the rich can own. For example, in China’s biggest city, Shanghai, families and individuals are restricted to owning at most two homes. Furthermore, China has focused on providing public housing for her lower-income people. Today about 2.5% of housing in Australia is public housing, whereas in China it’s over 25%.
“So, actually, we say that it is Li Qiang who should be condemning the Australian regime for its appalling human rights failure – its failure to provide housing for all its people. And while he is at it, he should also demand that Australia’s capitalist rulers stop participating in Israel’s genocide of Palestinian people, stop its state forces from killing Aboriginal people in custody and free Australia’s four political prisoners.
“The differences in housing policy between Australia and China indeed highlight why our rulers constantly attack Australia’s biggest trading partner. For Australia’s capitalist rulers fear that the working class masses here will be inspired by socialistic China’s policies to start demanding China-style, pro-public housing policies in this country … and eventually to demand socialism as well!
“To be sure, pressured by a capitalist-dominated world and by the existence of capitalists within China, China’s transition to socialism is still unfinished, uncertain and deformed. Recently, under pressure from struggling privately-owned developers, Chinese cities have loosened, somewhat, anti-speculation policies. We say that there must be no loosening. Instead, the remaining major capitalist developers should be nationalised. There is no room for profiteers in a sector so connected with people’s well-being. This must be part of a broader program to further strengthen China’s socialistic public sector.
“For working class people here, it is important that China’s pro-working class housing direction and public sector-dominated economy remain in place. For the existence of that socialistic system strengthens our struggles for a housing and economic system in Australia that will finally look after working class people’s needs. That is why it is in the interests of working class people in Australia to oppose all the political, propaganda and military attacks against socialistic rule in China. Let’s oppose the U.S. and Australian regimes’ massive military buildup targeting China and its provocative naval missions in China-claimed waters in the East and South China Seas.
“It is important to know that Red China is able to provide large amounts of public housing for her people not only because of her policies. Her state is able to fund public housing because her economy’s most profitable sectors like energy, finance and mining are in public hands rather than being owned by wealthy tycoons. And because the majority of China’s big developers are state-owned, rather than profit-centred, public housing budgets actually go into providing public housing rather than into the pockets of wealthy capitalist contractors. Meanwhile, the fact that all China’s major banks are publicly owned means that these banks readily provide credit for public housing projects. So, a key part of fighting for the massive increase in public housing that we need here is to fight for the nationalisation of the banks and for the confiscation of Australia’s big construction and mining companies and their transfer into public hands. That in turn poses the need to struggle for an overall system based on collective ownership of the economy under the control of a workers government.
“The struggle for such a system that will meet the needs of all and not just the wealthy few will be built up through mass struggles for what working class people need right now. So, sisters and brothers: let’s work hard to build up a class struggle fight for a massive increase in public housing, for a ban on the ownership of more than three homes and for the confiscation of the unoccupied homes of the ultra-rich.”
Protesters then conducted a lively march through the streets of Sydney from Chinatown to the QVB. During the march we chanted: “More Public Housing!”, “Houses Are for Living – Not for Speculation!” and “Public Housing for You and Me – Just Like in the PRC!”.
Outside the QVB Building, in front of a large bronze statue of Queen Victoria, that symbol of brutal British colonial power, rally emcee Yuri Gromov reiterated that the lack of affordable accommodation in Australia has nothing to do with immigration:
“The ruling class and the politicians, the media and the commentators who serve them are trying to get their capitalist system off the hook by blaming migrants. But more migrants means more people to build homes and more people to pay taxes to pay for building new homes. Migrants are not to blame for the housing crisis. Our working class sisters and brothers from all around the world are part of the solution. The rental crisis is caused by the failure of the capitalists and their so-called `free market’ system to meet the housing needs of the multicultural masses. The blame sits squarely on the shoulders of the pro-capitalist, pro-speculation policies of our governments and the massive selloff of public housing undertaken by successive Australian governments of all stripes.”
The final speaker at the action was activist Peter Butler, who has been fighting for decades for affordable rents and housing justice as a community worker, researcher and as a tenant himself. Peter Butler outlined how he saw the consequences of when local public housing estates around Campbelltown began to be sold off to private developers around the 1990s. He described the terrible effect this selloff had on many tenants, who then had nowhere to live. This was the result of neo-liberal policies, when housing became a source of profit, rather than a basic human right necessary for people’s security. Since then, things have gotten worse, with homelessness increasing, along with rental costs and shortages. Sydney is now the second-most expensive city in the world!
Now, a volunteer at a community food van, Peter Butler described the impact he has seen Australia’s rental affordability crisis have on many of his clients, with increasing pressure, especially on the most vulnerable. By comparison, in China, public housing is a common government provision.
Peter Butler noted that on the way to the rally, he saw several homeless people in the cold and rain, begging on the streets. He asked rhetorically: “Where would you rather live – in a secure apartment, even if it was small, or out on the streets?” Peter Butler insisted: “We need to return to more government provision of public housing for these people, instead of the emphasis of housing for the profit of a few.”
In his concluding remarks, rally emcee Yuri Gromov explained that: “the only way that we are going to win the housing policies that we need is through mass, class-struggle action. Today’s rally was aimed at building towards the type of action needed.” Indeed, the June 15 rally received much sympathetic interest from bystanders and passersby – many of whom stopped to pick up leaflets and listen to speeches. The demonstration was also sympathetically covered by an article in the Australian Chinese-language newspaper Sydney Today and re-published in Chinese-language news sites in Canada and China.
Buoyed by the spirited nature of the June 15 demonstration and the impact that it had, Trotskyist Platform and the Australian Chinese Workers Association have vowed to intensify their campaign to fight for lower rents. We intend to organise follow-up actions to demand a massive increase in public housing, a ban on the ownership of more than three homes and other measures to forcibly release into the housing supply the multiple homes kept vacant by the ultra-rich.
Photo Above: Six years ago, scores of current and former public housing tenants, trade unionists from the Maritime Union of Australia, Trotskyist Platform supporters, staunch anti-fascist activists and other supporters of public housing carried out a powerful occupation of vacant public housing dwellings at 78 to 80 High St, in inner city Sydney’s Millers Point to oppose the slated sell-off of these properties to wealthy speculators and capitalist developers. The powerful 6 August 2017 occupation demanded that these vacant public housing dwellings be made available to those on the public housing waiting list or the homeless. We urgently need such actions now on a huge scale to not only oppose all privatisation of public housing but to fight for the confiscation of the vacant homes of the ultra-rich so that they can be used for low-rent public housing.
Drive Down Rents by Massively Increasing Public Housing!
Expand Rental Supply Now – Confiscate Vacant Houses of the Ultra-Rich!
16 June 2023: Skyrocketing rents in Australia are driving working class people into poverty. Over the last year, rents for new leases surged by an incredible20% in capital cities. Alongside the prices of food, electricity and fuel rising much more quickly than modest wage increases, surging rents are forcing millions of people to skip meals, stop buying fresh food, forego visits to dentists and specialists and avoid using heaters during the frigid winter, just to try and get by.
Unaffordable rents are the result of the capitalist “free market”. Developers shy away from building affordable homes because they know that they can make more profit by building expensive homes for the affluent or for wealthy investors looking to buy up houses for speculation. As a result, there is such a shortage of affordable rentals that not only are landlords able to jack up rents but low income tenants are not able to move into cheaper homes to escape soaring rents in their existing tenancies. A recent rental affordability snapshot found that just eight out of every 1000 available properties were affordable for a single person on the minimum wage lucky enough to have a full-time job! At the time of the 2021 census, over 122,000 people were homeless in Australia. Since then, the number of homeless people has skyrocketed – many of whom have jobs. Meanwhile, more and more low income women who are financially dependent on abusive partners are being hit with the terrible “choice” of either dumping their abusers and becoming homeless or trying to endure the abuse just to keep a roof over their – and often their children’s – heads.
The inevitable failure of profit-driven developers to provide affordable accommodation is compounded by the policies of federal and state governments. Not only have they favoured landlords and investors over low income tenants, they have instituted tax policies that have skewed the housing market towards speculators. Most damagingly, these governments have gutted public housing. As a result, the percentage of people in public housing in Australia has nearly halved over the last 25 years! By 2021, the proportion of public housing had plunged to just one in every 36 dwellings.
Some of the public housing sold off by governments has been turned into “community housing”. Still, over the last 25 years, Australia’s governments have slashed the total amount of “social housing” – which includes both public and “community” housing – by a quarter. Moreover, “community housing” is not public housing. “Community housing” landlords are private entities notorious for their high-handed bullying of tenants. Furthermore, because “community housing” operators are driven to either make a profit or, if they are a charity, “break even”, they bias their tenancy allocation towards those who can afford higher rents. Thus, the proportion of well-off people housed in “community housing” is nearly three times higher than in “public housing.” On average,“community housing” operators allocate one in eight tenancies to those who are in the highest 60% of income earners – many low income households thus missing out when public housing is converted into “community housing”. Moreover, the proportion of community housing” that is tenanted by Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people is 20% lower than in public housing. We say: No to privatisation by stealth – Stop the sell-off of public housing to private “community housing” operators!
What is needed is to massively increase the amount of low-rent public housing. This does not only mean greatly boosting the public housing budget. Currently, at every level, capitalist contractors engaged to build and maintain public housing leach off as profit a big part of housing budgets. State-owned firms must be set up to take over these tasks so that more public housing can be built for the same spending. However, all this alone will no longer be able to relieve the hardships of those hit by soaring private rents. Not only is the public housing waiting list too huge, many others eligible have not put their names on the list only because they know about the ten plus years they may need to wait to finally get a tenancy. Moreover, the criteria to even get on the list is so stringent that many who desperately need public housing can’t even get wait listed. Thus, a full-time, minimum wage worker is not even close to being eligible for public housing. To immediately boost the supply of public housing, some of the more than one million unoccupied homes (!) in Australia must be requisitioned. Many of them are owned by the super-rich who use them as holiday homes or as speculative investments.We say that any dwelling owned by a household with more than five million dollars worth of property assets that is either unoccupied or underutilised for one month – or for a total of more than two months within a year – should be confiscated and turned into public housing. Since such dwellings are often large mansions, they can be turned into dwellings for multiple households. And to the extent that the ultra-rich will let out their properties to avoid such confiscation that will, at least, reduce the demand – and hence rents – for other dwellings.
For Working Class Protest Action to Win Low-Rent Housing for the Masses
To institute the housing measures that are urgently needed, it is not only the right wing Liberals that stand in the way. All the parties currently in parliament are complicit in undermining public housing. In just the five years up to 2021, the state Labor government in Victoria slashed the proportion of public housing dwellings there by nearly 14%. For their part, the Greens, in a coalition with Labor in Tasmania in the early 2010s, were part of a state government that drastically cut the proportion of public housing dwellings, alongside slashing public housing maintenance.
Today, with a widely acknowledged rental affordability crisis, the ALP and the Greens are now keen to portray themselves as supporters of “social housing”. Labor promises 30,000 new “social and affordable” housing dwellings over five years. However, the new “social housing” will not be public housing but “community housing”. The “affordable housing” component involves subsidising landlords to offer rents 20% lower than the market rate. Yet with market rents so obscenely high, such “affordable” homes will remain out of reach for most low-paid workers and part-time workers, let alone unemployed workers and students. Moreover, as the Greens have rightly pointed out, the 30,000 “social and affordable” dwellings that Labor pledges, will not even meet half the increased need for low-rent accommodation during the next five years. The ALP’s plan is a recipe for driving even more low income renters into poverty – albeit at a slightly slower pace! The Greens plan offers more, promising $2.5 billion a year on low-rent housing. However, this is still wholly inadequate to address the huge shortfall in low-rent accommodation. This is especially so given that the Greens, as a party which accepts the dominance of the capitalist economy, has no plan for bringing the actual construction and maintenance of public housing under public ownership, thus allowing a big chunk of the housing budget to continue to be gouged away by the bosses of capitalist contracting firms. Moreover, the Greens plan is not exclusively for public housing but also for “community” and “affordable” housing. Thus, in good part, the Green’s proposals, like the ALP government’s entire plan, will see public money handed over to private landlords – money that should be used to build up public housing. The Greens do call for a freeze on rents – a measure that we support. However, such rent controls will only work if they are accompanied by measures to restrict landlords from removing properties from the rental market and skimping on repairs – measures that the Greens do not advocate. Most notably, the Greens do not even promise the housing measure that is most urgently needed: the confiscation of the vacant homes of the ultra-rich and their transfer into the public housing stock.
Ultimately, all the current parliamentary parties have no program that can truly solve the rental and homelessness crisis because they all uphold the big end of town’s “right to dispose of their property as they see fit”. To win the housing measures needed, workers, unemployed workers, low income youth, activists opposing domestic violence against women and leftists must all unite in militant protest action. There need to be mass protest occupations to stop any privatisation of public housing and to requisition the vacant homes of the super-rich into the public housing supply. In recent years there have been some actions that can inspire us on this course. On 6 August 2017, scores of current and former public housing tenants, trade unionists from the Maritime Union of Australia, Trotskyist Platform supporters and staunch anti-fascist activists carried out a powerful occupation of vacant public housing dwellings at 78 to 80 High St, in inner city Sydney’s Millers Point to oppose the slated sell-off of these properties to wealthy speculators and capitalist developers. Although after about five hours, van loads of riot police brutally broke up the action and arrested four of the activists involved, including two main organisers of the occupation – a respected long-time Millers Point tenant who had then recently been cruelly evicted from public housing there and one of our own Trotskyist Platform comrades – the action scared the then NSW Coalition government enough to temporarily restrain their broader state-wide public housing selloff. This can be seen by looking at the numbers of public housing dwellings in NSW over the last decade (see Table 18A.3, Report on Government Services 2022, Australian Government Productivity Commission). They show that during each year, the number of public housing dwellings either decreased or barely changed. The one exception is for the financial year that includes the eleven month period that followed the August 2017 Millers Point occupation – when total public housing numbers in NSW increased by over 1,100 homes. Then just last week, about two dozen people occupied the common areas of a public housing block in 82 Wentworth Park Rd, Glebe to oppose the NSW state government’s plan to demolish the block and turn the site into a larger “mixed” housing block with the public housing turned into privately-run “community housing”. The protest action, which was deemed legal by the authorities because none of the vacant units were occupied, lasted five days. It was organised by Action for Public Housing and the Anti-Poverty Centre and was supported by various socialist groups as well as by left-wing anarchists and other staunch antifascists who did much of the hard work of staffing the protest site during the nights. The action had an impact. The housing minister in the new NSW state Labor government has now promised that the site will remain entirely devoted to public housing (but without any evidence of an actual change to the formal development plan activists are rightly sceptical of this promise).
Yet, given the severity of the long-brewing rental affordability crisis, we need mass action on a scale and intensity much greater than anything we have seen. In particular, the power of the organised working class movement must be brought to bear. Class-struggle action to win the measures needed to provide low-rent accommodation must be combined with demands for a big increase in workers’ wages, for the conversion of casual jobs into secure ones with all the rights of permanency and for the confiscation of the power and fuel sectors and their transfer into public hands in order to drive down unaffordable living costs. To unleash the kind of struggle needed, it is not enough to energetically advocate for it. We must knock down the political obstacles that stand in the way of such struggle. Chief among these is the reality that the current leadership of the workers movement are supporters of the ALP. Especially with an ALP federal government and wall to wall Labor state governments across the mainland, they are reluctant to organise truly concerted struggle against any government policy. Instead, they tell their working class base that the ALP in office is the best that they can hope for and nothing should be done that could damage the ALP’s re-election prospects. These officials sell their ranks the lie that the ALP’s program of seeking “win-win” collaboration with the big end of town is workers’ only effective path to improving their lives. Currently, many workers grudgingly accept these claims. That is why, the struggle to mobilise determined action against soaring rents must be accompanied by a political campaign to explain that, when in government, the ALP, in the end, operates a state machine hard wired to the capitalists that is programmed to serve the big business and big property owners. In opposition to the program of the Labourites, we must win the most politically advanced workers to the understanding that the interests of working class people can only advance at the expense of the economic interests of the capitalist big-end-of-town.
Hopes in the Greens are also an obstacle to the struggle that is needed. Since the Greens do at least loudly advocate for public housing, such illusions in the Greens do exist – especially amongst progressive-minded youth. Should the Greens want to support a particular protest action in defence of public housing, they are of course free to do so. However, activists must point out not only the Greens’ own tarnished record on public housing when they have been in coalition government with the ALP in Tasmania and federally in the early 2010s but the fact that this is inevitable for any party that seeks to manage the capitalist order. Most importantly, the demands and direction of struggles must not be curtailed to win the acceptance of the Greens. We must not shy away from militant protest occupations that impinge on official capitalist “property rights” or recoil from raising the urgently needed demand to confiscate the vacant homes of the ultra-rich because we know that both these courses will scare off the Greens, who after all include wealthy capitalists amongst their ranks and their donors as well as plenty of upper middle-class, multiple property owners. Just as importantly, we must not avoid openly framing our housing struggle as one that is being waged in the class interests of working class people against the class interests of the super-rich, big property-owning class for fear of “putting off the Greens”. If we were to in this way dilute and shroud the class-struggle content of our movement it would make the movement less attractive to militant workers – the very people whose participation is key to winning victories.For the movement against unaffordable rents to acquire the pro-working class orientation, militant character and anti-capitalist demands that can make it a serious factor, the movement must be freed from all subordination to the agenda of the “progressive” wing of the big end of town, represented by the Greens. All promotion of the Greens by groups within the movement – for example, by advocacy of a vote for the Greens at elections – must be challenged.
There is another, very sinister, political challenge that faces any movement to drive down unaffordable rents. That is the fact that the capitalist class, including most blatantly the capitalist media and Peter Dutton’s Liberal Party, are increasingly seeking to blame migration for the rental affordability crisis. Their claims are a complete pack of lies. The lack of affordable accommodation is solely the result of the capitalist free market in housing and decades of government policy favouring landlords and speculative investors over tenants and low income home buyers. The ruling class wants the masses to blame anyone but themselves! We cannot let them get away with this! To the extent that the masses buy the capitalist rulers’ propaganda, it will not only divert away the movement against unaffordable rents but by inciting racist hostility to migrants and people of colour, it will divide and weaken the workers movement and its capacity to resist capitalist attacks on its living standards. That is why the workers movement and all supporters of public housing must not only oppose any scapegoating of migrants for the housing crisis but must positively mobilise to defend targeted communities against any racist, and other bigoted, attacks. We must demand freedom for and the bringing here of all refugees from PNG and Nauru. We must build mass action to defend Aboriginal people, Asians, other people of colour and the LGBTIQ community against violent far-right forces. And to stop people, vulnerable because of their insecure visa status, being especially ripped off by greedy landlords, which helps push up rents for everyone, we must fight to win the full rights of citizenship for all visa workers, international students and refugees.
The Example of Socialistic China’s Housing Policy: “Houses Are for Living, Not for Speculation”
Those opposing an emphasis on public housing and strict controls on the housing market argue that such an agenda does not work in practice. They say it is outdated and goes against the world trend of privatisation, “user-pays” and neo-liberal deregulation. There is a huge problem with that argument, however. In Australia’s largest trading partner, the People’s Republic of China (PRC), the direction over the last decade and a half has been explicitly towards public housing and strict regulation of the housing sector. In the decade from 2008, the PRC provided 70 million additional public housing dwellings for her low and lower-middle income people. Proportionate to population size, China delivered in ten years, one and a half times the amount of public housing as what the Greens promise to provide in low-cost accommodation over twenty years. As a result, today, the percentage of China’s urban population in public housing is nearly ten times higher than Australia’s. Moreover, the PRC’s public housing drive continues. Last year, the PRC provided an additional two and a half million public rental dwellings for her people. In percentage terms, this is equivalent to 45,000 dwellings here. That means proportionate to population size, Red China in just one year provided one and a half times as much public housing as what the Albanese government promises to deliver in privately-owned “social and affordable” housing over five years. And unlike here, China does not have a homelessness crisis. Despite China (which is still trying to pull herself up from her impoverished pre-1949, capitalist days) having a per capita income some three to five times lower than Australia’s, Chinese international students entering Australia, the U.S. and Western Europe are shocked at the level of homelessness in these richer countries compared with their socialistic homeland.
The PRC’s public housing drive is part of Beijing’s official housing policy that is aptly titled; “Houses are for living, not for speculation.” The PRC takes the opposite stance towards housing speculation compared to successive Australian governments. For example, most Chinese cities ban households from buying more than two homes. Needless to say, Australia’s big end of town hate the PRC’s policies. That is why their media seek to denigrate it at every possible instance. Last year, they seized on the troubles of a Chinese capitalist developer hit by the anti-speculation campaign to claim that the PRC’s “Houses are for living, not for speculation”-policy was soon going to cause the Chinese economy to collapse. Needless to say, that never happened! Today, while the capitalist Australian, American, British and German economies are either in recession or on the verge of one, the PRC’s economy surged by 4.5% last quarter. More importantly, socialistic China’s workers continue to enjoy, by far, the world’s fastest growth rate in real wages. All this is why the Western capitalist powers see China as an “existential threat.” They fear that the successes of China’ socialist alternative will encourage their own masses to also demand a system that puts the masses’ needs above big end of town profits. Frankly, that is the kind of “threat” that working class people in the capitalist West need! Let’s help “infect” Australia’s working class population with sympathy for Red China’s “Houses are for living, not for speculation” policy and her system that underpins it. The fact that China’s transition to socialism is incomplete, bureaucratically distorted and endangered by hostile elements – including by the capitalist powers internationally and by its own capitalists who long to have the right to “freely” exploit as in “normal” (that is capitalist) countries and who have a layer of academics, lawyers, journalists and politicians in the right wing of the ruling Communist Party of China doing their bidding – actually makes socialistic rule in China more in need of defence, not less. Let’s oppose the U.S. and Australian regime’s military build up against the PRC! Let’s refute their lying propaganda attacks against China! And let’s oppose the anticommunist groups within China that they support in their quest to destroy socialistic rule there!
The PRC’s public housing drive has been made possible not only by official policy. It is also made possible by the fact that the developers building the public housing, the steel, cement, glass and other factories providing the materials for the constructions and the banks whose loans provided part of the finance for the projects are all, overwhelmingly, under public ownership. So the PRC is able to build more public housing without having a good part of the budget leached away by capitalist profiteers. China’s system centred on public ownership was created in an inspirational revolution in 1949 that brought the toiling classes to power – albeit a power administered in an imperfect, indirect way via a middle-class bureaucracy. To ensure a system here where not only housing but also health care, aged care, education, industry, agriculture, science and culture operate for the people’s needs and not the profits of a super-rich few, the working class here will also need to take power. Let’s advance towards that goal by enhancing working class peoples’ unity, confidence in their own power and distrust of all the parties and institutions serving the capitalist class (and all its wings) in the course of hard-fought struggles to radically drive down rents, stop the plunge in the masses’ living standards and reverse the decline in workers’ real wages.Let’s build militant struggles to win a massive increase in public housing and the confiscation of the vacant homes of the ultra-rich for transfer into low-rent housing.
Above photo: Lebanese cucumbers selling for all most $12 a kilogram at a Woolworths supermarket in an Inner West Sydney suburb on 22 July 2022. Food prices in Australia and other capitalist countries have been surging, while wage increases have been small. Photo credit: Trotskyist Platform
REVERSE THE PLUNGE IN WORKING CLASS PEOPLE’S LIVING STANDARDS!
FIGHT FOR HUGE WAGE RISES, THE RIGHTS OF PERMANENCY FOR GIG WORKERS, A BIG INCREASE IN THE DOLE AND A MASSIVE INCREASE IN LOW-RENT PUBLIC HOUSING!
IMMEDIATELY PUT THE GREEDY OIL, GAS AND POWER FIRMS UNDER PUBLIC CONTROL!
15 July 2022: Food prices are surging. The price of lettuce has more than doubled over the last year. Beef is 12% dearer. And then there are the skyrocketing electricity and fuel costs. Yet while everything is getting more expensive, wages have barely risen. That means that even while the rich business owners extract ever more exorbitant profits from their workers’ labour, workers’ living standards are plummeting. It is of zero comfort to Australia’s working class masses that bankers, corporate bosses, politicians and media “experts” celebrate that the economy is undergoing a “strong expansion” when their own lives are getting ever harder.
Prime minister Albanese stated that it was “absolutely welcome” that the “Fair Work Commission” (FWC) recently set the annual increase in the minimum wage at 5.2%, basically matching the official inflation rate. It is true that unlike the former government, which refused to back a pay rise, the ALP government did call for a minimum wage rise that matched official inflation. Yet not only does the 5.2% increase not make up for the fact that this minimum wage had not kept pace with inflation in the preceding period, it will not match price increases in the coming period, which even the Reserve Bank has conceded will reach 7%. Moreover, as FWC president Iain Ross admitted, the prices of non-discretionary items like food are rising much faster than official inflation, especially hurting those on low incomes. Most low-paid workers are renters and Australia’s rents soared by 9.5% over the last year. Therefore, the actual cost increases endured by low-income workers are closer to 10% and rising fast. In other words, last month’s FWC ruling cheered by Albanese actually means a sizable cut to the real income of minimum wage workers. And other workers will suffer an even bigger cut. The FWC only gave award workers a 4.6% increase – less than even official inflation. Meanwhile, public sector workers are being hit still harder. The right wing NSW government has restricted public sector wage rises to just 3%. Gig workers are suffering the biggest cut in real income. Especially for food delivery workers and taxi and Uber drivers, surging petrol costs are ripping away their net incomes.
WHAT IS CAUSING WORKERS’ LIVING STANDARDS TO PLUNGE AND HOW CAN THIS BE REVERSED?
Australia is not alone in having soaring living costs. This is happening throughout the capitalist world. A poll found that one in six Germans are now skipping meals to get by! In the U.S. the annual inflation rate is 9.1%. Moreover, the crisis extends to the poorer countries. In India, inflation is over 7%, in Brazil it is nearly 12%. In Turkey, the inflation rate is nearly 80%!
So what is causing this crisis? When capitalist countries plunged into the late noughties’ Great Recession, governments found that they could only make their economies recover through flooding them with cheap credit and debt-financed spending. Even after that crisis waned, capitalist economies were so fragile that governments were never able to take their economies fully off of these life-supports. Then after COVID hit, capitalist governments dialled up the intensity of such pump priming “solutions”. The problem is that in the capitalist system, where the economy is in the hands of profit-driven bosses, excess money supply leads the corporate bigwigs to drive up prices. To ensure that the resulting increased revenue flows into their own pockets and not that of their workers, business owners avoid increasing wages knowing full well that soaring prices means that they are effectively slashing their workers’ pay. As a result, workers’ real wages in Australia are now 8% lower than they were six years ago!
This increasing exploitation has been going on under Liberal, Labor and Labor/Greens governments alike. Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) data show that bosses are now exploiting their workers 22% more than they were 36 years ago. As a result, ABS figures show that for every $100,000 of value added by workers – that is after all material, property and interest costs have been paid – at a capitalist business (one using hired labour) about $50,000 is gouged by the business owners as profit and only $50,000 is given back in wages! And given that the ABS classifies the fat salaries of CEOs and managers as “wages and salaries”, the reality is that, on average, workers in Australia are now receiving back as wages far less than half of the fruits of their own labour.
Therefore, the measures needed to defend workers’ living standards must be based on drastically increasing the share of the fruits of workers’ labour going back to workers at the expense of the amount that is leached away by the capitalists as profits. For starters that means that the workers movement must fight for huge wage increases. We must also specially defend the most precariously employed workers by demanding guaranteed wages, holiday pay and all the other rights of permanency for all those currently employed on a casual or gig basis. To make it easier to unleash the trade union industrial action needed to win such gains, we must demand the abolishing of all anti-strike laws and all laws restricting union access to workplaces.
Whenever workers demand improvements in their wages, the capitalists scream that this will cause job losses. But such job cuts will only occur if we let these exploiters carry out retrenchments and if we let them retain as few workers as is necessary to maximise their profits. Instead of doing that, we must force the capitalist bosses to hire more workers than they want to at the expense of their profits.We must demand a ban on job cuts by all profitable firms and must demand that all companies making a profit be required to increase their number of full-time, permanent employees by at least twenty-five workers for every one million dollars of quarterly profit.
The already most poverty stricken people are being hardest hit today. Due to entrenched gender inequality, sectors where women workers predominate have especially low wages. It is crucial that the workers movement as a whole demands equal pay for equal work for women workers. Meanwhile, unemployed workers are having to make do with cruelly low social security payments. This is not only driving unemployed workers into extreme poverty but has made the prospect of losing one’s job so scary that it is helping bosses to intimidate some employed workers into avoiding joining workers’ rights struggles. That is why it is especially important to fight for a doubling of the Jobseeker payment. Surging prices also mean that, even though old-age pensioners receive higher payments than unemployed workers, many working class pensioners are facing homelessness. The current system where a meagre pension is combined with individual superannuation carries into old age the inequality that workers faced when at working age. CEOs receive huge superannuation while low-paid workers receive little and gig workers and the unemployed nothing at all. Our unions must demand that the current superannuation system be replaced with one where bosses pay super into a common fund that will be used to help equally pay all a pension equal to the minimum wage.
MASSIVELY INCREASE LOW-RENT PUBLIC HOUSING!
What is making plunging living standards especially unbearable for many working class people is the lack of affordable rental accommodation. Even in the lower income, Western Sydney suburb of Auburn, the median weekly rent for two bedroom units available for lease is right now $435. That’s well over half the minimum wage! And given that so many are working in casual jobs where they receive far less than the minimum full-time wage, it is clear why so many people are only able to pay rent by skipping meals and avoiding using the heater right now at the height of winter. Moreover, there are very few affordable properties available to lease. So people struggling with rising costs are not even able to move into rougher but cheaper dwellings to get by.
The capitalist “free market” is failing to make available enough affordable accommodation – providing such housing is simply not profitable enough for wealthy investors and real estate speculators. What is therefore needed is much more low-rent public housing. Instead, Liberal, Labor and Labor/Greens federal and state governments have overseen a big public housing sell-off over the last few decades. Some of that involves governments handing over public housing to private operators and passing off the resulting “community housing” as also being part of “social housing.” However, the private operators of such “community housing” are notorious for skimping on repairs and skewing their allocations towards higher-rent paying tenants at the expense of the most hard-up. Thus, the proportion of tenants paying more than a quarter of their income in rent is almost eight times as high in “community housing” as it is in public housing.
Even over the last five years, governments have eroded public housing to the extent that the proportion of Australian dwellings that are public housing has been slashed by a further 10%. Today, just one out of every 34 dwellings in Australia belongs to public housing of some form. Yet governments are still continuing on the same course. Let’s stop all sell-offs – let’s fight for a massive increase in public housing instead! And for all public housing properties to be properly repaired! Let’s stop governments from driving tenants out of public housing by allowing properties to become so neglected that they become unfit for habitation!
FOR A NEW, CLASS STRUGGLE AGENDA TO LEAD THE WORKERS MOVEMENT
Many working class people hoped that with the despised Morrison government finally gone, their needs would be addressed. However, the new ALP government also has no commitment to the measures needed to reverse the decline in working class people’s living standards. This was clear even before the elections. To reassure the big end of town that it would not be taking decisive moves to redistribute income from the rich to the poor, the ALP announced that it would ape the conservatives in refusing to lift dole payments. They also made clear that they would not abolish anti-strike laws. That is little surprise. Nearly all these laws had been accepted by previous ALP governments and a few of the rules – such as the Keating government’s 1993 measure restricting strike action to limited bargaining periods – were actually first brought in by Labor. Meanwhile, the ALP’s housing affordability plan will not increase public housing but rather promises funds for just a modest increase in privately-operated “community housing”.
To be sure, ALP leaders would like to improve the lives of their working class base. However, the ALP social democrats are unwilling to seriously challenge the power of the capitalist bigwigs who use their enormous wealth and ownership of the media and economy to thoroughly dominate political life and state institutions. Given their acquiescence to these oligarchs and given that the interests of these capitalists and those of its working class base are counterposed, the Labor Party always ends up betraying its base. Meanwhile, although more progressive on social questions, the Greens too accept the domination of the capitalists. For unlike even the ALP, whose ranks are largely workers, the Greens include significant numbers of actual capitalist exploiters in their ranks and is politically dominated by upper-middle class elements loyal to capitalism.
This means that plunging workers’ living standards are not going to be reversed by the agenda of either the new government or by any of the parties currently in parliament. The way that working class people can advance their interests is through mass action, especially through strikes and other class struggle action by our trade unions. It is through such struggle that working class people have won whatever rights they still have today. In recent months, there have been strikes by NSW train and bus drivers, nurses and teachers that give a small taste of the kind of struggle needed. However, the current pro-ALP union leaders see such actions as supplementary to their main strategy of herding workers into supporting the election and maintaining of Labor governments that they hope will uphold workers’ interests. As we have outlined, this is a losing strategy.
Therefore, we need a new agenda to guide our workers movement. One that rather than seeking collaboration with the capitalist class by limiting demands to what is tolerable to them, will mobilise the working class in an all out struggle against the capitalist exploiters to fight for what the masses actually need. That means not only unleashing struggles for secure jobs for all and big pay rises but also demanding free provision of the social services most needed by the masses. Despite ruling class politicians constantly congratulating themselves about the existence of Medicare, truly free healthcare does not exist in Australia. Currently, the out-of-pocket expenses that a sick person has to cover for specialist fees above what Medicare reimburses can be debilitating. And as governments increasingly underfund the health system, these out-of-pocket expenses are growing. Meanwhile, the lack of Medicare coverage of dental expenses means that large chunks of the working class simply avoid going to the dentist until their teeth deteriorate to the point of an emergency. Similarly, many are foregoing needed specialist visits. This is all the more damaging because COVID in 2022 has been killing people in Australia at the highest rate during this pandemic and hundreds of thousands are suffering Long Covid. Moreover, the inequality of healthcare is so large that those who cannot afford private insurance must wait long periods to receive treatment for debilitating conditions. For example, the current median wait time for a public patient who needs knee replacement surgery to enable them to walk properly again is around eight months!
That is why we must demand truly free health care – that means that Medicare should fully cover all specialist visits, all surgeries, all essential medicine and all dental care and that there should be no long waiting times. Similarly, we need to fight for free education, which means no fees and no HECS debt for TAFE and university. We must also demand free, 24-hour childcare. This is not only a crucial cost of living measure but would help enable women’s full participation in economic life. That in turn is vital for advancing women’s economic independence, without which many women being battered by violent, or otherwise abusive, partners could be coerced by financial necessities into remaining with such abusers.
SANCTIONS ON RUSSIA DRIVE UP FUEL PRICES – WESTERN POWERS’ ANTI-RUSSIA PROXY WAR HARMS THE MASSES’ LIVING STANDARDS
A major reason for the cost of living crisis are the surging fuel prices. These prices are being driven up by the sanctions imposed on Russia by Washington, Canberra and other U.S. allies that back Ukraine in its war with Russia. We must oppose these sanctions! This is necessary not only to protect our living standards. For the Ukraine war has become a proxy war of the Western imperial powers to unjustly drive their would-be Russian rival down to the subordinate condition that she had been in during the first fifteen years after her devastating 1991-92 capitalist counterrevolution. Australian governments have sent Ukraine’s authoritarian regime hundreds of millions of dollars of military equipment, including howitzers (long-range artillery) and dozens of armoured vehicles, to add to the billions of dollars of increasingly heavy and sophisticated weapons sent to Kiev by Washington and its European allies, including anti-aircraft batteries, advanced long-range anti-ship missiles, drones, tanks and advanced HIMARS multiple-launch guided rocket systems. Although Russia is also ruled by an ambitious capitalist class, her lack of economic strength means that it is the U.S, British, Australian, German, Japanese and other Western ruling classes and not, for the most part, the Russian one that are superexploiting and often simply steamrolling through brutal military power (as they did in Iraq, Afghanistan, Libya and Somalia) the peoples of Asia, the Pacific, Africa and Latin America. That is why if the Western proxy war on Russia is defeated it would be great for the peoples subjugated by imperialism. Such a serious setback to the authority of Australia’s capitalist rulers can only strengthen the ability to resist them. So we must demand: No military aid to Ukraine! Lift the sanctions on Russia!
However, the sanctions on Russia are not the only cause of soaring fuel and energy prices. Although the majority of Australia’s petroleum is imported, Australian corporate oil producers contribute to the high pump prices by selling fuel at the obscenely high world price. This is quadruply so with gas, which Australia is a major exporter of. Greedy Australian energy giants are selling gas at such a high price that it is not only sending residential heating costs through the roof but is driving up manufacturing and electricity prices that are flowing through the rest of the economy as well as pushing up home electricity bills. Meanwhile, power cuts have been threatened because profit-driven generator companies are trying to avoid selling electricity at the capped price when their fuel costs are so high. That is why all oil, gas and electricity corporations must be immediately placed under strict public control. Fuel and power costs must be driven down at the expense of the profits of energy corporations!
BRING THE ECONOMY INTO PUBLIC OWNERSHIP UNDER WORKERS RULE
The bulk of Australia’s energy sector is owned by super-rich, Australian shareholders. Among them is Mike Cannon-Brookes who owns the largest stake in electricity and gas giant AGL. Australia’s third richest tycoon with a $28 billion fortune, Cannon-Brookes is known for his obscenely extravagant lifestyle. Four years ago, he paid the highest amount ever for a house when he bought a Sydney estate for $100 million! The fact that we need to take control of energy industries away from the hands of such people inevitably poses the question: why should these filthy rich capitalists be owning such key sectors at all? We should fight to confiscate the oil, gas and power sectors from their big shareholders and place them into public ownership. Similarly, we need to bring all the key social service sectors into public ownership. Part of why we are being hit with such high out of pocket health costs is that so much of the Medicare budget goes into the pockets of the rich tycoons owning private hospitals, pathology and radiology services and pharmacies – like Sonic Healthcare big shareholder, Michael Boyd, and billionaire Chemist Warehouse owners, Jack Gance and Mario Verrocchi. As a result, the service outcomes produced by each dollar of public money that’s spent is severely truncated. The same applies to childcare, where government subsidies end up feeding the profits of the companies that operate the sector. In public housing too, a good part of the budget ends up in the bank accounts of the owners of construction firms and maintenance contractors – including corporate giants like Downer and Ventia. So let us struggle to ensure that all parts of the operation of healthcare, education, public housing, childcare and aged care are brought into public ownership.
To ensure that all these social services are provided for free, more public funds do need to be allocated to them. But where will the money come from ask neoliberal apologists. It will come from confiscating the most profitable sectors of the economy from the capitalists, starting with the mining industry. Mining profits are so huge that the wealth of just the five richest of Australia’s mining billionaires increased by a staggering $19 billion in just the last year – more than three and a half times what all governments spent on public housing! However, to bring the mining, energy and social service sectors into public ownership requires taking on the tyranny of the oligarchs that own these sectors – oligarchs like Cannon-Brookes, Gina Rinehart and Andrew Forrest – who leverage their enormous wealth to keep state institutions under their control and who disproportionately fund political advertising, political parties, think tanks and lobbyists. Therefore, to bring substantial sectors into the collective hands of the people requires the working class to sweep away the whole capitalist-dominated bureaucratic and political machinery and to construct a new workers state. Based on democratically elected working class people’s councils, such a state would bring all significant parts of the economy into the people’s common, that is socialist, ownership and thereby enable the building of a society that would guarantee secure jobs, improving living standards and free quality social services for all. In doing so it would lay the economic basis for dissipating the inequality faced by women and minorities.
We have living proof that such a socialist system indeed works. For in the world’s most populous country, the Peoples Republic of China (PRC), socialistic rule has ensured that she is the one large country whose masses have not been hit by rising food prices. Although China’s transition to socialism is incomplete and deformed and threatened by intense hostile capitalist pressure, the fact that all her major oil and gas, power, food processing and warehousing, shipping, banking and stevedoring firms are under public ownership has enabled her to not only have an inflation rate of just 2.5% but to have actually falling food prices. And even while ensuring that her people have a COVID death rate per person that is 112 times less than Australia’s, the PRC’s socialistic system has ensured that, unlike here, her workers’ real wages have continued to rise during the pandemic. Indeed, for the last 15 years, the PRC has been enjoying the world’s fastest growing real wages. She has ensured that the proportion of her population suffering homelessness is much lower than in Australia through giving her people eight times greater access to public housing than we who live here in Australia. By curbing capitalist pre-school and tuition firms and replacing them with public and non-for profit childcare and children’s leisure activity services, the PRC has reduced her masses’ financial costs of raising children.
Yet, these achievements of socialistic rule and the fact that China continues to gradually lift herself up from the terrible poverty of her pre-1949 capitalist times is what terrifies the world’s capitalist powers. For not only are they enraged that the PRC’s cooperation with developing countries is impeding their economic rape of these countries, the capitalist powers fear that the PRC’s course will eventually incite their own working classes to demand that their economies also be brought under social ownership. Yet that is precisely why the working class in Australia and the other capitalist countries must stand with socialistic China. Let’s advance the struggle for working class ownership of the economy here by defending the existence of such a system in the world’s most populous country! Let’s oppose the U.S./Australia military build up against socialistic China! No to the lying “human rights” propaganda attacks on the PRC over Uyghurs, Tibet and Hong Kong!
If we can protect the PRC’s advance on the socialist course set by her 1949 toiling people’s revolution and if we can popularise knowledge of the benefits provided by her socialistic system, even in the partial form that it exists in, we can promote the need for a system based on public ownership in this country. The plunging living standards, unaffordable housing and lack of economic security of the capitalist system is pushing the masses to seek anti-capitalist solutions. However, in response, capitalist ruling classes are spreading racism to divide and divert the masses that they exploit. That is why racist far right forces have been growing in the U.S., Germany, India and here. To build the inter-racial unity necessary to fight the powerful capitalists, we must consciously oppose racist influence by mobilising the working class in defence of targeted ethnic groups. For union action to support Aboriginal people’s struggle against racist state terror and all-sided oppression! For workers’ struggle to demand the rights of citizenship for all guest workers, international students and asylum seekers! Bring the long-suffering Nauru refugees here! For united mass action of our workers movement and people of colour communities to crush violent white supremacist forces! Let’s also reject those who say that we can protect living standards by favouring Australian businesses over their overseas rivals. Such agendas only set local workers against their worker sisters and brothers overseas while obscuring workers from the truth that they can only defend their conditions by struggling against the local bosses that exploit them. Let’s understand that the main call of Karl Marx’s Communist Manifesto, “Workers of All Countries Unite”, remains as crucial today as it was when the Manifesto was first issued.
Another famous line of our Manifesto – that “the spectre of communism” is haunting the capitalist world – also rings loud today. The escalating economic crisis in the capitalist world, the social decay of capitalist societies, the capitalist powers’ horror at the successes of socialistic rule in China and the terrifying extent to which the imperialist regimes are willing to risk World War III by waging a proxy war on fellow capitalist Russia in good part because they want to weaken her ability to obstruct their war plans against Russia’s socialistic Chinese, friendly neighbour proves this. The Communist Manifesto’s main agenda is to replace the rule of the capitalist class with the rule of the working class. We have made good progress in this task in countries that make up one in five of the world’s people. But we have much work to do! We need to speed up the completion of the Manifesto’s tasks because it is increasingly clear that decaying capitalism not only threatens the masses’ living standards but humanity’s very existence.
The Communist Manifesto made clear that the seizure of political power by the working class is preceded by a period of “more or less veiled civil war, raging within existing society” where the working class “now and then” are victorious in defending their living standards against the capitalists but the “the real fruit of their battles lies, not in the immediate result, but in the ever expanding union of the workers”. To build the unity, strength, self-confidence, organisation and political awareness that’s needed so we can advance towards the working class rule that we so badly need, we must, right now, mobilise militant class struggle to fight for huge wage rises, the rights of permanency for gig workers, a massive increase in low-rent public housing and the nationalisation of the oil and gas, power and social service sectors. Let’s build a party to spearhead the fight for this Communist Manifesto agenda! As Marx and Engels pronounced at the end of their famous tract: Let the ruling classes tremble at a communistic revolution. The proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains. They have a world to win.
Photo Above: Sydney, 2 April 2022 – Demonstrators march to demand that the measures China is using to beat poverty be applied here. Photo Credit: Demi Huang/New Impressions Media
Rally Opposes Privatisation and Exploitation in Australia, Demands that the Measures China is using to Beat Poverty Be Applied Here
5 April 2022: Last Saturday, supporters of workers rights from a broad range of racial backgrounds came together in spirited protest against privatisation and the growing exploitation of working class people in Australia. To inspire the struggle to win anti-poverty measures here in Australia, the Sydney rally highlighted the anti-capitalist and other pro-worker measures being taken right now in the Peoples Republic of China (PRC). At its height, the April 2 protest was some 70 strong, although one of the community media sites reporting on the protest puts its size at “nearly one hundred.”
The united-front protest began with the rally emcee, Yuri Gromov, who is also the editor of Trotskyist Platform’s journal, The Spark, introducing the purpose of the action:
“While the business owners who make their money from exploiting workers’ labour are getting richer and richer, the poor are getting poorer. Prices are soaring but workers’ wages have barely risen. The living standards of low paid workers has been falling.
“Bosses are driving more and more workers into casual and gig jobs with no job security. A huge number of workers do not know how many hours of work they will get from week to week. Having so little job security, it’s easy for capitalist bosses to force us into accepting terrible working conditions. In the food delivery sector, many drivers and riders are doing deliveries all day and not even making the minimum wage.
“Australian governments of all stripes are carrying out policies that are making life harder for working class people. They have been selling off public housing like crazy. Much of the public sector has now been privatised and this always leads to job losses, attacks on workers’ conditions and higher prices for consumers. Federally, the Morrison government is now set on privatising the NBN. Here in NSW the state government continues its surreptitious, gradual privatisation of bus and rail services.
“We are here today to push back against all this. We demand a guaranteed minimum wage for all food delivery and other gig workers. We demand that the sell-off of public housing stop now and that instead there be a massive increase in public housing. We demand an end to all privatisation. Instead of privatisation we call for the nationalisation of the banks. That is the way to ensure that credit is allocated to areas of public need like poverty alleviation projects rather than a crazy huge amount of money being siphoned off as bank loans to housing speculators, a truly horrendous waste of funds which is only pushing house prices up and up and making life harder for working class families struggling to keep up their rent and mortgage payments alike.
“…Today, we want to highlight something positive that can inspire our fight against poverty and exploitation. There is one particular country that has been heading in the opposite direction to the agenda of privatisation and neo-liberal attacks on workers rights that has been happening throughout the capitalist world. And this country headed in the opposite direction is not just any country. It is in fact the most populous country in the world with a fifth of the earth’s people: the Peoples Republic of China.
“Last year the PRC not only decreed that food delivery platform companies must ensure that all food delivery drivers and riders always get at least the minimum wage but started expanding those protections to all gig workers. At the same time, China has been on an intense campaign to provide public housing to her low and lower-middle income population. Moreover, rather than carrying out large-scale privatisations, all of China’s banks and most of her other key sectors remain under public ownership.
“Therefore, socialistic China’s path can be an inspiration to the struggle for working class people’s rights in Australia. That is why Australia’s capitalist regime and pro-capitalist media are doing everything they possibly can to denigrate the PRC. They don’t want the masses here to be inspired to resist privatisation and exploitation. We need to condemn these lying propaganda attacks against China as part of standing up for working class people’s rights in Australia….”
Rally participants listen to an address to the demonstration by rally emcee, Yuri Gromov. Photo credit (above photo): Demi Huang/New Impressions Media Photo credit (below photo): Sydney Today APP
Last Saturday’s demonstration was jointly initiated by the Australian Chinese Workers Association and ourselves in Trotskyist Platform. It was additionally endorsed by the Communist Party of Australia’s Wollongong Branch and by the group, Communists West Sydney. Representatives of all the endorsing groups as well as other individuals addressed the united front rally. Chairwoman of Trotskyist Platform, Sarah Fitzenmeyer stressed in her speech the need for a class struggle strategy for defending working class people’s rights. She also emphasised that the fight against capitalist exploitation in Australia requires solidarity with socialistic rule in China:
“The fact is that during the last few decades, Australia’s capitalist business owners have increased the rate at which they exploit workers’ labour….
“Today, while Morrison’s Liberals have made it clear that they want to sell off the NBN, the only response from the ALP is to say that they oppose an immediate privatisation while leaving the door open to a sell-off in the future. The only way we can push back against privatisation and the ever growing exploitation is through mass struggle and workers’ industrial action. This is how the working masses have always won whatever rights we still have left now. The more that working class people understand that nothing can or will be gained through supporting any of the parliamentary parties at the upcoming election, the more determined we the working class people will be to build the mass actions that are needed.
“… In February last year, guest workers from China spearheaded the first ever strike by gig workers in Australia when they and other food delivery riders took action against British-owned company Hungry Panda and WON! However, we must be very wary that such struggles are not undermined and workers don’t buy into the national security obsession being promoted by the Australian ruling class. This national security propaganda deceptively claims that workers and the capitalists who exploit them have a common national interest. Now, in the name of national security, Australia’s capitalist regime has joined the U.S. in aggressively interfering into the Ukraine-Russia War with sanctions and arms grants. The regime here has also used the war to further ramp up their Cold War drive against China.
“Trotskyist Platform says that when Australia’s capitalist ruling class push `national security’ they only mean the `security’ of their profits and their system of exploitation. However, the current leaders of the workers movement, the Labor Party, joins the Liberals in fully supporting the ruling class’ so-called `national security’ agenda. In doing so they are obscuring the need for workers to resist the local, all Australian, capitalist exploiters who are undermining the security of our living standards in the capitalists’ drive for ever greater profits.
“We need a new agenda to guide our workers movement. An agenda driven by us, the workers, fighting for what we actually need….
“Whenever such a pro-working class agenda is promoted, the ruling elite screams that such violations of free-market principles are `impractical’. But this is a lie because many of the things we are calling for here today are actually being quite successfully implemented right now in the Peoples Republic of China.
“The reason that China is able to carry out such policies is that it is the working class who hold the power there. The toiling classes grabbed power through a massive revolution in 1949….
“China’s success makes Australia’s capitalist regime very fearful. They are petrified that the masses here will look at the great gains of the working masses in China and decide that they too need to fight for socialism here. That is why the rulers of Australia and other powerful capitalist countries are intent on crushing socialistic rule in China. We must NOT allow the imperialist powers to succeed!
“…it is in the interests of at least 90% of Australia’s population to uncompromisingly defend socialistic rule in China. We must oppose the U.S. and Australian military build up aimed against socialistic China. Just as importantly, we must rebuff the lying Western propaganda attacks on the PRC over Uyghurs, Tibet and Hong Kong!
“It is true that China’s victory over capitalism is incomplete. China’s anti-capitalist crackdown does need to go much further. The PRC’s march towards `common prosperity’ – if it is to truly succeed – requires that the tech, real estate and light manufacturing sectors be confiscated from China’s tycoons and brought into public ownership as well. And this is why we need more solidarity actions with socialistic rule in China right here and all across the world. Solidarity from comrades abroad will give confidence to staunch socialists within China to defy the hostile pressure coming from the capitalist world. Solidarity with the PRC will help to drive them towards complete socialism.
“If socialistic rule in China continues to strengthen, it will embolden the struggle against capitalist exploitation in this country. Right now, let’s use the fact that the world’s most populous country is successfully operating a system based on public ownership to inspire our own fightback against privatisation and exploitation in Australia. Let’s start working towards common prosperity here in Australia by advancing the struggle for working class rule.”
Speaking to the media during the rally, Jenny Zeng, general secretary of the Australian Chinese Workers Association (ACWA) called for improvements in people’s livelihoods in Australia that will “allow everyone to have jobs and food, without having to worry about life.” The ACWA is a group that organises Australian-Chinese workers to defend their workplace conditions and assert their rights to access social services. As part of their contribution to the April 2 action, the ACWA’s art troupe put on a captivating cultural performance. This included a drum performance in the classical style of North China, a classical dance routine paying tribute to China’s long history and a classical dance performance in the style of China’s Tibetan Autonomous Region signifying blue sky and a happy life.
Also addressing last Saturday’s demonstration was long-time community activist Peter Butler. He powerfully motivated the need for public housing and for other measures that put the needs of the masses first. Peter Butler also attacked the Australian media’s portrayal of the troubles of large Chinese real estate developer, Evergrande. He pointed out that the media wanted to portray Evergrande’s crisis as a sign of China’s supposed impending doom but had hidden the most important aspect of the events surrounding Evergrande: wealth and power were being transferred out of the hands of Evergrande’s greedy billionaire owner and into the hands of the public. In this he was referring to the fact that not only were Evergrande’s troubles the result of the PRC’s moves to curb housing speculation in order to make housing more affordable for the masses and not only had Chinese authorities forced Evergrande’s owner Hui Ka Yan to sell some of his personal assets – including two private jets, several mansions, expensive art works and shares – to ensure that Evergrande’s workers keep on getting paid but they have pushed Evergrande to sell off to PRC public sector enterprises at low price a number of property assets, while the PRC state has also confiscated parcels of land and other assets owned by Evergrande. Indeed, as in the recent cases of financial conglomerate Tomorrow Holdings, former insurance behemoth Anbang and the real estate and airport operations of the now defunct, giant conglomerate HNA Group, the PRC state has handled the collapse of large private sector corporations in China in such a way that it leads to the transfer of assets from the hands of tycoons into the collective hands of all the people.
For his part, Zac, representing the Wollongong Branch of the Communist Party of Australia, concluded his speech by stressing that unlike what the mainstream media say, China is no military threat whatsoever to the people of Australia. Rather China is winning out in economic competition with capitalism through its own system. Zac emphasised that it is this system of China’s, a system of socialism, which is what Australia’s capitalist rulers really fear.
After several speeches and the cultural performance, the rally marched southwards through city streets from its starting point in Sydney’s Chinatown. Marchers energetically chanted: “More public housing”, “Public housing for you and me – Just like in the PRC”, “Hey ho, hey ho, privatisation has got to go”, “Stop privatisation – Nationalise the Banks” and “P-R-C, Is fighting poverty!”
The final part of the action was a picket outside the offices of the ABC (Australian Broadcasting Corporation) to protest anti-PRC bias in the Australian media. About one-third of the participants from the main part of the rally joined this brief protest picket. As demonstrators approach the ABC’s premises they chanted, “A-B-C: Always Bashing China!” As rally emcee, Yuri Gromov explained:
“… because the PRC’s socialistic system favours working class people, the capitalist ruling classes in the likes of the U.S.A, Australia and India see the mere existence of such a system as a threat. Hence the media owned or controlled by capitalist tycoons have been waging non-stop propaganda attacks against China. The ABC – which let’s be honest forms the propaganda department of the Australian capitalist state – is one of the worst but will be even worse, if you can imagine it, if it ever becomes privatised itself. In attacking the PRC, the ABC and other media outlets are necessarily denigrating China’s anti-capitalist and pro-working class measures. The media are therefore undermining support for the type of measures needed in Australia to alleviate poverty and combat exploitation of workers.”
The April 2 demonstration was intensively covered by two of the most popular Chinese language media sites in Australia: New Impressions Media (which runs the website Australian Impression and the Sydney Impression WeChat site) and Sydney Today. On the latter site, there was a hot debate amongst readers with 42 readers comments: most sympathetic to the demonstration but a few hostile as well.
Saturday’s action concluded with the rally emcee thanking participants for braving not only the pandemic but the hysterical China-bashing political climate. However as the rally chair pointed out: “with poverty, homelessness and exploitation in Australia ever increasing and with new rounds of privatisation looming we all have a massive amount of work to do.” In carrying out this work to build class struggle resistance against exploitation and privatisation in Australia we are inspired by the anti-capitalist and pro-working class measures being implemented in the world’s most populous country.
Above Photo: Workers at the General Mills food processing factory in Sydney’s west do a shift on the picket line during their weeks-long June 2021 strike for improved wages and better job security. The workers resolve and courage won them some important gains. If unshackled from the dead-end Laborite program of seeking common ground with the capitalist bosses on the basis of a mythical “common national interest”, the workers movement will be able to wage powerful class struggle that can push back against the nearly four decades of increased capitalist exploitation of workers in Australia. Photo credit: United Workers Union Twitter page
Welcome China’s Anti-Capitalist Crackdown! Let’s Use it to Inspire Resistance Against Privatisation and Exploitation in Australia
7 February 2022: There has been carnage in Australia. In just the first 38 days of 2022, over two thousand people have died here of COVID. Like previous pandemics, this COVID one is a natural disaster. But the catastrophic number of deaths in Australia two years into this pandemic is an entirely man-made calamity. The right-wing federal government and nearly all Liberal and ALP state governments alike chose to let COVID rip. Then they and profit-driven pathology companies and retailers intensified the virus spread by failing to ensure adequate PCR testing and affordable RAT test kits. However, decades before they let COVID rip, Australia’s rulers let another pandemic rip, the pandemic of poverty amongst low-paid workers and the unemployed. Australia’s billionaire-owned media have hidden the true extent of the suffering from this poverty pandemic. Low-income working class people were expected to “learn to live” with poverty and the terrible suffering which that brought. Today the attitude of the mainstream media is little different. Although, in 2022, people have been dying from COVID at nearly twenty times the rate that they have been dying from road deaths, the media have conspicuously avoided showing the pain of family and loved ones after COVID deaths that they often show following fatal traffic accidents. The capitalist media are trying to deceive us into “learning to live” with this COVID carnage.
The underlying force driving Australia’s governments, top bureaucrats and media to cause widespread poverty on the one hand and enable the COVID catastrophe on the other is one and the same: their intent to put the profits of wealthy business owners ahead of the well-being of the masses. In the case of the poverty pandemic, it is specifically the result of the ruling elite’s determination to help the capitalists that they serve increase their rate of exploitation of workers. Now the COVID pandemic has inflamed a new wave in this poverty pandemic. Latest ABS (Australian Bureau of Statistics) figures show that even as average prices rose by 3.5% last year, hourly wages increased just 0.1%. Moreover, it is the most exploited who have had their pay fall behind the most. Thus, over the last year, the hourly wages of women workers has actually fallen. Meanwhile, the weekly wage of a worker in the lowest bracket of earners (mainly part-time workers) fell by $29 per week. When one combines that with the reality that average rents rose by $30 per week in the same period (and don’t even mention fuel costs!), it is obvious why more and more people – including many who have some type of job – are being plunged into homelessness. Nearly three hundred thousand residents of Australia were homeless at some point last year!
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The rate at which workers are being exploited has actually been increasing for decades. This is reflected in an index published by the ABS called the Unit Labour Cost, which tracks changes in the proportion of the fruits of workers labour that workers actually receive payment for. Well over the last 35 years this Unit Labour Cost has plummeted by 20%. In other words, Australiancapitalists are now exploiting workers an average of 20% more than they were in 1986. This increase in exploitation took place firstly under the Hawke/Keating Labor government, further deepened during the Howard and Rudd/Gillard years and has intensified still further under the current right-wing government. Therefore, even as technological advances have made Australian workers more productive than ever, the living standard of large numbers of lower-paid workers has not risen for decades! This is the case not only in Australia but in much of the capitalist world. In the U.S. for example, real minimum wages have actually crashed 30% over the last 50 years!
The increased exploitation of workers has causedthe share of income in Australian employee-hiring businesses going to wages and salaries – as opposed to capitalist profits – to plummet from 64% twenty years ago to just 52% today. Given that obscenely high CEO and director incomes are also classified as “wages and salaries”, this means that the share of business income going to actual workers is now likely less than 50% – that is less than half! In other words, in an average labour-using Australian private sector enterprise – small or corporate – for every $100,000 of value added by workers, less than $50,000 goes to pay those who actually do the work, while over $50,000 is diverted as profits to the plundering rich owners/shareholders. To add insult to injury, the capitalists then leach tens of billions of more dollars from us through the interest payments and fees of the banks that they own. They and upper-middle class layers also rip off the increasing number of us who do not own our homes by making us pay ever higher rents.
The Methods that Capitalists Use to Increase Their Exploitation of Workers
Being increasingly exploited not only brings financial hardship to workers. Many of us are also finding that our work lives have become ever more stressful. For capitalists and their manager henchmen are implementing schemes to not only bully workers into toiling longer for the same pay but to set worker against worker so that we are less united and able to resist our exploitation. Meanwhile, the governments and media that serve the capitalists use racist scapegoating to divert anger over the economic insecurities caused by increased capitalist exploitation onto minorities and First Peoples. The result of all this propaganda is reflected in a survey conducted last year: 42% of Australians were found to have “very negative” or “somewhat negative” feelings towards Iraqi Australians, 43% held such attitudes towards Chinese-Australians and 46% held these views towards people of Sudanese descent. In other words, about one out of every two Australians is now consciously prejudiced against one or several ethnic communities. Or put another way, a full half of this country is now openly racist! What this means on the ground is that people from vilified minorities are more and more often attacked on the streets, public transport, bars and schools. In particular, thousands of East Asian-origin people have been assaulted and verbally abused by extreme racists over the last two years. Such attacks have been incited by ruling class politicians and media disgustingly blaming China for the pandemic. Yet the pandemic has also destroyed many a racist myth. For one, it has demolished the claim that immigration is responsible for housing unaffordability. For during the pandemic, immigration into Australia has stopped and international student numbers have plummeted, yet house prices have risen at their fastest rate ever, soaring by 22% in the last year alone.
Spreading racism is one of the most powerful means that those who oversee capitalism use to suffocate resistance to exploitation. Yet it is hardly their only method. Over the last few decades, Labor and Liberal governments alike have ever more tightly restricted the right to strike. Meanwhile, capitalists have also forced huge numbers into insecure forms of employment. This facilitates increased exploitation, because without job security workers are more reluctant to stand up to greedy bosses. Now, the capitalists are driving large numbers, especially youth and international students, into a form of casual employment that gives workers even less security: gig work. Laboring in areas like food delivery, gig workers are often so exploited that they can toil long hours without making even the minimum wage.
To facilitate the capitalist drive to keep down wages, governments of all stripes have been hacking at the social safety net. By making life miserable for those who end up without a job, the ruling class want to intimidate those workers with jobs into submitting to attacks on their wages and conditions. That is why governments have kept unemployment payments at cruelly low levels and subjected the unemployed to ever more humiliating “activity tests”. Meanwhile, they have chipped away at the coverage that Medicare gives and have sold off so much public housing that the proportion of people living in public housing is now only half of what it was two decades ago. The dearth of public housing has in turn caused private rents to soar to such levels that last year not one single rental in Australian cities was affordable for a single or pensioner couple, an unemployed person, or a single part-time working parent.
Another key tool in the capitalist profit drive is privatisation. Over the last three decades, governments have sold off a large chunk of this country’s state-owned assets. To be sure, one should have no illusions that in countries presided over by a capitalist state, state-ownership genuinely means public ownership. In Australia, state-owned entities have failed to even provide basic services like post and electricity to many rural Aboriginal communities. Nevertheless, privatisation results in assets that could have been producing state revenue that would partly go into social services needed by the masses end up in the hands of private owners intent on using their newly acquired monopolistic control of strategic assets to extract super-profits. Most significantly, because private capitalists face even less scrutiny than governments, they are more easily able to slash workers jobs and rip off consumers. Therefore privatisation is always accompanied by attacks on workers rights and higher prices while delivering massive profits for the new owners. That is why governments run by all the different pro-capitalist parties have overseen privatisation. The Hawke/Keating ALP began the privatisation wave by selling off the Commonwealth Bank and Qantas. Then the Howard Coalition began privatising Telstra in 1997 – a sell-off completed by the Gillard Labor-Greens government in 2011. Most recently, Morrison’s conservatives have made clear that they intend to sell-off the NBN. The ALP “Opposition’s” tepid response has been only to object to an immediate sale, while leaving the door wide open to future NBN privatisation.
Fight for a New, Class-Struggle Agenda to Guide the Workers Movement
Ongoing strikes by NSW rail workers, rolling action by southwest Sydney bus drivers and the partially victorious, strike last June by food processors – many of whom were women and men from various Asian backgrounds – at western Sydney’s General Mills factory all give a glimpse of what is needed to smash the bosses’ incessant campaign to drive down wages. So does the inspirational February 2021 struggle by workers toiling for British-owned food delivery company, Hungry Panda. That partially victorious struggle, which was spearheaded by riders from the Peoples Republic of China (PRC) who had come here as visa workers or students, was the first strike in Australia’s history by gig workers. Yet such resistance is hampered by the social-democratic perspective of the current ALP leaders of the workers movement. According to this outlook, while more extreme attacks on workers should be resisted, the capitalist order as a whole is tolerable or, if not, then it is nevertheless too powerful to oppose. Therefore all factions of the ALP claim that while class struggle methods like strikes can sometimes be used, the main means to defend workers rights is to elect an ALP government to administer the current, capitalist, order in a fairer way for workers while ensuring that the system itself is strengthened. However, knowing how able the corporate bigwigs are to use their fabulous wealth to swing public opinion, the ALP leaders ensure that any opposition that they take to particular attacks on workers will not be strong enough to make the capitalists so outraged that they will campaign against the ALP. Yet it is simply impossible to both truly defend working class people’s rights and avoid getting into a head-on clash with the capitalist class. This is because, as founder of the communist movement, Karl Marx insisted, the capitalist system cannot survive without the capitalists seeking an ever greater rate of exploitation. Marx explained that the total profits that the capitalists as a whole extract depends on the proportion of the fruits of workers labour that they can seize for themselves. However, as these capitalists spend more and more on building up capital (which today includes buildings, equipment and IT infrastructure), they can only maintain the same percentage return on their now bigger capital outlays if they can increase the amount of profit that they extract – in other words if they grab a greater share of the value added by workers mental and manual labour. Thus accepting the needs of the capitalist system means accepting the increasing exploitation of workers. That is why ALP governments over the last nearly four decades have carried out much the same agenda as the openly capitalist Liberals/Nationals – privatisation, casualisation, public housing sells off, attacks on the unemployed – albeit with a “nicer” tone. Today, Albanese’s ALP is following this same path more than ever. At the upcoming elections, the working class should not put their trust in the ALP anymore than they should support any of the non-working class-based capitalist parties: the Liberals, the Nationals, the Greens, One Nation or the United Australia Party.
Although the strategy of the pro-ALP union leadership and their Labor parliamentary mates has on occasion retarded attacks on the working class, overall this program has allowed the capitalists to increase their exploitation of the masses. Over the last nearly four decades, our unions have been weakened, working conditions have been eroded, jobs have become more insecure, housing has become more unaffordable and to facilitate all this the ruling class has made society more racist and ugly. In short, the Laborite program has been a disaster for the working class masses. Unable to effectively defend workers against the class war of the capitalists, the ALP and other pro-capitalist parties that sometimes claim to stand by workers, like the Greens, are left with advocating schemes to restrict imports in order to favour local producers at the expense of producers abroad. However, such protectionist schemes only result in governments abroad taking reciprocal measures to favour their own producers against Australian-made exports. The end result is that no workers benefit while Australian workers are left divided from their overseas worker sisters and brothers leaving both sets of workers less able to mount resistance against their own exploiters.
In opposition to Laborism, we need a new agenda to guide our workers movement. Instead of our demands being curtailed to avoid angering the capitalists, the working class must fight for it actually needs. That means demanding huge wage rises to make up not only for rising costs but for the ever lower share of income going to workers over the last three decades. We also need to put a halt to all privatisation. Rip up the underhanded plans to sell off Australia Post! No to privatisation of the NBN! Instead of privatisation, we need to bring the extreme profits in sectors like mining and banking into the public budget by ripping these sectors out of the hands of billionaires like Andrew Forest, Gina Rinehart and Clive Palmer. That is the way towards acquiring the public finances needed to provide more nurses and hospital beds for our badly strained public hospitals, the extra teachers that we desperately need for our public schools and better funding for TAFE and universities. Most urgently, we need to fight for the confiscation of private aged-care homes from profit-making companies and their placing into public hands. These capitalists have already caused thousands of our elderly to die from this pandemic by, in their quest to maintain exorbitant profits, neglecting to provide adequate PPE for staff, refusing to hire adequate staff numbers and failing to follow basic pandemic safety protocols. We need to put a stop to this profit-driven carnage immediately!
An anti-privatisation agenda is urgent because the fact that large chunks of the “public” health system are actually in private hands is exacerbating the COVID crisis. Profit-driven pathology operations have not only negligently given hundreds of people the wrong COVID test results but have closed down dozens upon dozens of PCR testing sites … just when they were needed most! That is why pathology services must be nationalised right now. In China, whenever there is tiny outbreak in a city, their public-ownership dominated system is enabling them to PCR test the entire population of cities with over ten million people every two days (!) – usually with people only having to queue for less than 15 minutes. We need the same here! As well as fighting for a truly public health system, we need to demand the placing of all banks under state control. This is essential to directing credit for urgent pandemic response measures.
Our sole means to effectively fight for these demands are industrial action and other mass action by the working class and its allies. Therefore anything that harms such struggle must be flung out of the way. Anti-union laws must be opposed. Protectionist demands, which divide workers across national lines while undermining workers opposition to their bosses by encouraging the false notion that Australian workers have a common “national interest” with their local bosses, must be rejected. The poison of racism that the ruling class pours into society must be cleansed away. This can only be done by mobilising the workers movement to oppose racist atrocities from both governments and rednecks. The workers movement must support Aboriginal people’s struggle against the murder of black people by racist cops and prison guards. It must demand freedom for the refugees and the bringing here of all asylum seekers in Nauru and PNG with the full rights of citizens. Meanwhile, open provocations by violent racist groups must be shut down by mass mobilisations of trade unionists united with people of colour and all anti-racists. And in cases where the location and intended victims of potential redneck attacks are known – such as when an ethnic Chinese family has their home daubed with threatening graffiti – workers-led defence guards must patrol to prevent further attacks.
To strengthen their class struggle, the workers movement must draw into the struggle unemployed workers and the millions more enduring temporary employment or just a few hours of work a week. We must address the needs of these most vulnerable layers of the working class, including low-income single mothers, by demanding: Double the payments to the unemployed! Abolish all punitive “activity tests” on unemployed workers! For a guaranteed minimum wage for food delivery and other gig workers. For permanency, guaranteed minimum hours, leave and all the rights of permanency for all gig and other casual workers. Stop the sell-off of public housing – massively increase low-rent public housing instead! For free, nutritious lunches for all school students! For free, 24-hour childcare!
Whenever our unions ask for higher wages, the capitalists respond that this will lead to job losses. However, that is only true, if we allow them to employ as few workers as they want to. The bosses only employ as many workers as that which allows them to maximise profits. They keep their workforce ultra-lean. That is why when some workers are now off sick with COVID there are such shortages of food and other essentials. Moreover, even as they complain about a labour shortage, the capitalist bosses don’t want to hire any inexperienced workers because these greedy exploiters don’t want to pay a full wage to workers who will initially be not as productive as experienced staff. That is why we need to force the capitalists to increase hiring at the expense of their fat profits. Let’s force all companies making a profit to increase their number of full-time, permanent employees by at least twenty-five workers for every one million dollars of quarterly profit! The capitalist rulers will no doubt scream that this is “impractical.” We say that if it is “impractical” for the capitalists to utilise every labour resource available and provide those who labour with both job security and decent working conditions, then the means of production and distribution need to be ripped from their hands and brought into public ownership under workers control.
The Peoples Republic of China Heads in the Opposite Direction
The capitalist class and their economic “experts” would have you believe that there is no alternative to the agenda of privatisation, pro-landlord housing policies and “economic freedom” of capitalists to do whatever it takes to maximise profits. We are told Australia is merely headed down the path of “like-minded countries”. But there is a country that is actually headed in the opposite direction. And that country happens to be the world’s most populous country, the PRC. Last July, the PRC ordered food delivery companies to ensure that their delivery riders are always paid above the minimum wage and are additionally provided social insurance to cover these gig workers in case of loss of income from illness or unemployment. The companies were also ordered to provide workers with rider rest stations. The pro-worker measure had such an impact that it immediately wiped more than $A56 billion off the share market value of China’s leading food delivery platform. Indeed, the PRC is not shy of hurting rich capitalists to defend the interests of the masses. Last July, in order to protect parents from having to fork out ever larger amounts for their children’s after-school tutoring in an education rat race against other parents’ kids, the PRC dramatically banned all tutoring firms from making a profit. The new requirements caused the billionaire owner of one of China’s biggest tutoring firms, Gaotu to have $A21 billion almost instantly wiped off his wealth. However, Beijing’s measures to stop education being “hijacked by capital” are very popular with parents and students. Alongside the widespread rollout by Chinese schools of low-cost, school holiday daycare (which cost at most $A25 a week) involving extra-curricular programs in music, sport, dance, games and art, the measures suppressing capitalist tutoring firms are also aimed at giving kids a happier, less-stressful childhood.
Red China’s moves against profit-driven education firms are part of its broader moves – moves which it greatly accelerated from mid-2020 onwards – to clamp down on the “disorderly expansion of capital” and pursue “common prosperity.” The latter Beijing explains, involves curbing excessive incomes of the very rich and increasing the income of low-income groups. As a result, whereas in Australia it has been workers who have frequently been hit with fines and restrictions for standing up for their rights while tycoons like Gerry Harvey have been given huge payouts through Jobkeeper and other schemes, in China it has been the other way around. Last year, PRC authorities hit e-commerce giant Alibaba, one of the two main companies owned by China’s once richest man, Jack Ma, with a massive $A4 billion fine for monopoly behavior. They also forced the other of Ma’s main companies to restructure in a way that will greatly curb its profits. Companies owned by China’s other tech tycoons have also been hit with large fines and sanctions for suppression of consumer choice and unauthorised use of customer’s personal data, while being pressured to improve their workers’ rights. Meanwhile, the PRC has been vigorously pushing bosses to increase workers wages. As a result, the Global Wage Report 2020-21 produced by the International Labour Organisation (ILO) showed that Chinese workers enjoyed by far the fastest growing wages of any major economy. Although as a country catching up from the terrible poverty of her neo-colonial days, China’s per capita income and hence wages are still a fair bit lower than Australia’s, in the 2008-2019 period examined by the ILO, real wages in China not only more than doubled but were by 2019 approximately 2.3 times what they were in 2008 – a wage growth rate close to treble that in India and about twelve times that in Australia.
Another area in which the PRC is headed in the opposite direction to the capitalist countries is on the issue of privatisation. Over the last decade and a half, far from engaging in privatisation, the PRC has actually been carrying out some nationalisations. In the late noughties, China began re-nationalising privately owned mines in her coal sector by forcing greedy coal barons to sell their mines to the state for very low prices. The primary goal was to improve workplace safety. Private firms putting profits before workers’ lives had caused large numbers of workers to die in mining accidents. China’s nationalisations have indeed dramatically improved workplace safety. Last year, the number of deaths in China’s coal mining sector was 36 times lower than in 2002, despite production being two and a half times as high. More recently, the PRC has brought into public ownership several insurance companies, mid-size steel producers, property assets and one of China’s biggest mobile phone brands (Honor). Meanwhile, the PRC’s existing public sector firms continue to thrive through innovation in high-tech areas like high-speed rail and new energy. As a result, last year the revenue of China’s state-owned enterprises soared by more than two and half times the growth rate of her overall economy – indicating that the public sector has increased its weight in the Chinese economy.
A particular area where the PRC has been heading in the diametric opposite direction to privatisation is in the housing sector. In the decade from 2008 onwards, China provided an incredible 70 million new public housing dwellings to her low and lower-middle income people. This emphasis continues today. China’s 2021-2025 Five Year Plan has stipulated that a further 6.5 million new low-rent public housing units shall be built alongside millions of other types of public housing. Already, more than one in four of China’s households are living in public housing – a proportion eight times higher than in Australia. Meanwhile, the PRC has been administering her overall housing policy according to the motto: “Houses are for living in not for speculation.” Therefore, rather than giving huge negative gearing tax concessions to speculative landlords as occurs here, the PRC’s provincial governments have been curbing housing speculation through measures like bans on households buying more than two homes. This crackdown and the PRC’s emphasis on public housing are two of the reasons why, despite her per capita GDP still being some three to five times lower than Australia’s, China has a far lower rate of homeless than this country. Indeed, youth from the PRC who come to Australia for study are shocked at the level of homelessness that they see when they arrive here.
What China’s Reaction to the Woes of a Billionaire-Owned Developer Says about the Path that She is Headed On
The direction that China is travelling in shows that the tyranny of the tycoons, privatisation and erosion of workers’ rights rampant in Australia is not the “natural order” of things. There is another alternative! And that alternative is being implemented quite successfully in Australia’s biggest trading partner. The working class and other low-income groups must fight to open up such an alternate path here! It is precisely this prospect of the toiling classes looking at China’s direction and demanding a similar path in their own countries that spooks the capitalist rulers of Australia and other “like-minded countries.” Aghast at the speed that China has been travelling on this roughly anti-capitalist road since mid-2020, a terrified major American news site complained in an article headlined, “Xi Jinping’s Capitalist Smackdown Sparks a $1 Trillion Reckoning”, that “true to their Communist roots, China’s leaders have no problem trampling on the interests of venture capital, private equity or stock investors when they conflict with its long-term development plan” (Bloomberg, 2 August 2020). Around the same time, a report from U.S. banking giant Goldman Sachs whinged that, “Chinese authorities are prioritizing social welfare and wealth redistribution over capital markets in areas that are deemed social necessities and public goods” (CNN website, 4 August 2021).
Desperate to stop the Chinese road inspiring working class people in their own countries, capitalist ruling classes have been doing everything possible to discredit the PRC’s latest measures. Thus when it became clear that a major Chinese property developer, Evergrande was in financial trouble, the capitalist media triumphantly declared that this was a sign that the Chinese economy was in deep crisis. Their barely disguised message was: if you crack down on the “free-market” in housing, this will lead to economic doom. To sell their narrative that an Evergrande collapse threatens a broader economic implosion in China, Western mainstream media deliberately hid the fact that China’s housing industry is in fair part driven by public housing construction and state-owned developers rather than being solely dependent on private housing built by tycoon-owned companies likes Evergrande. Yet they were not the only media engaged in such deception. So were the media of those nominally socialist groups that have enlisted in the propaganda campaign against Red China. Thus, an article last October in the Socialist Equality Party’s (SEP) World Socialist Website cheered that, “the feverish property development and build-up of debt [in China] have created the conditions for a major financial crisis”. Not to be outdone, the Australian left group “Solidarity” also sounded much like the Murdoch media when they headlined, “Evergrande crisis shows Chinese growth figures built on sand.” Lying that China’s high growth rates were the result of debt-fuelled speculation, Solidarity excitedly claimed that “the Evergrande crisis is a major thorn in the side of President Xi Jinping’s government” (Solidarity website, 15 October 2021). The only difference between Solidarity’s article and the capitalist media line is that the former claimed that Evergrande’s troubles are a product of “Chinese capitalism”, whereas the real capitalists, rather more accurately, identified Evergrande’s plunge as a result of the PRC’s crackdown on capitalism. Whereas the mainstream media seek to intensify enmity to Red China from pro-capitalist sections of the population, “Solidarity” mobilises such anti-PRC hostility from anti-capitalists. To do so, Solidarity claim that “Chinese capitalism” is going through typical capitalist boom-bust cycles, with the Evergrande demise the result. They could only sell this fiction by hiding the truth that even while the capitalist world was plunging into the troughs of its boom-bust cycles, the PRC has not had any cyclic economic busts – not even during the mid-late 1990s Asian Financial crisis or the late noughties Great Recession. This is because the capitalist mode is not dominant in China.
By the start of this year, all those predicting and wishing for China’s economic collapse had … egg on their face! The PRC’s economic growth rate for last year came in at a whopping 8.1%. So just like umpteen other “predictions” of China’s demise over the last 25 years, the hopes of Western capitalists – and the half-baked socialists that capitulate to the latter’s anti-communist drive – went unrealised! As a result, the anti-PRC media switched focus to selling the line that the plummeting share price of Evergrande is a serious problem in itself as is the (very slight) fall in Chinese house prices over recent months. These anti-communist propagandists deliberately avoided mentioning that the PRC’s authorities have actually been intentionally curbing house prices in order to make homes more affordable for the masses – unlike Morrison’s conservatives who wants to drive up house prices to please their wealthy mates and Albanese’s ALP which lacks the courage to defy them. As for fact that the PRC’s measures to stop housing speculation is causing Evergrande’s billionaire majority owner, Hui Ka Yan – and some other property tycoons – to lose the majority of their wealth, this is entirely aligned with the PRC’s drive to “stop the disorderly expansion of capital” and curb excessively high incomes in order to uplift the position of lower and middle income groups.
The manner in which the PRC has responded to Evergrande’s liquidity crisis is also consistent with her “common prosperity” agenda. The PRC state has effectively taken over the restructuring of the struggling corporation and they have used that control to make clear that all the company’s moves must firstly guarantee the wages and jobs of their workers and the promised homes of their customers, while the interests of rich investors must come last. Already, PRC authorities have pressured Hui Ka Yan to sell over $A1.5 billion of his personal assets – including two private jets, several mansions, expensive art works and shares – to help pay off some of the company’s debt. Meanwhile, the PRC looks to be driving Evergrande down a similar path that it took another privately-owned conglomerate that was mired in debt, HNA Group. In that case, the PRC state re-allocated the company assets to several state-owned companies and private corporations in a way that has kept workers in their jobs, while HNA’s [ex-]billionaire main owners lost nearly all their assets. Already, Evergrande and some smaller developers in distress have sold off a number of property assets to PRC state-owned enterprises, while the state has also confiscated parcels of land and other assets owned by Evergrande. Just like the real estate and airport operations of HNA, Evergrande is set to end up in good part becoming yet another chapter in China’s post-noughties nationalisation story. That will be bad news for Hui Ka Yan and other filthy rich investors but more great news for China’s working class and middle class masses.
Socialism Works!
The reason that the PRC is able to push back wealthy business owners in order to decisively improve the rights of gig works, raise wages and defend housing accessibility for low income groups is because capitalists do not rule in China. You see, China is not a “like-minded country” to the likes of Australia, India, Indonesia and the USA! In 1949, the toiling classes of China seized power in the most massive revolution in human history. Although the Chinese working class exercises its power in an indirect manner through a middle class bureaucracy that controls political administration and although that bureaucracy’s pro-market reforms have allowed capitalists to gain a sizable foothold in parts of the Chinese economy since the 1980s, it is the public ownership system favouring working class people that continues to be the backbone of Chinese society. Although capitalists are very prevalent in retail, internet and light manufacturing, all of China’s strategic sectors including banking, oil and gas, steel, mining, power, infrastructure, ports, auto, train and aircraft manufacturing, shipbuilding, space technology, telecommunications, airlines, food processing, computer chips and pharmaceuticals – as well as many consumer sectors like movies, whitegoods and flat screen TV manufacturing – are dominated by socialistic state-owned enterprises. It is this socialistic system that enabled China to complete lifting all its residents out of extreme poverty by the end of 2020. This is a stunning achievement because before China was steered onto the socialist path 72 years ago she had been so subjugated by neo-colonialism that her per capita income was barely more than half that of India’s. It is the PRC’s public sector that played the key role in achieving her anti-poverty triumph. Over-riding the imperative to maximise profits at all costs, the PRC’s giant state-owned enterprises established industries in poorer parts of China and often hired workforce numbers far in excess of what would be most profitable for their operations. This socialist sector was also key to ensuring the Chinese economy’s great resilience during the pandemic. Thus during the worst period of the pandemic in China, the first seven months of 2020, the PRC’s state-owned enterprises actually increased their investment in fixed assets by nearly 4%, even as private sector investment collapsed by close to 6%. Meanwhile, the PRC’s public sector boosted its hiring of new graduates by a whole one-third in order to make up for decreased job opportunities in the capitalistic private sector.
Among the public sector enterprises most crucial to Red China achieving her social goals have been her banks. In China, alongside her three 100% state-owned policy banks specifically charged with advancing social development agendas, all her big six commercial banks as well as nearly all her medium-sized banks are majority state-owned. Very different to the notorious greed of banks in capitalist countries, the PRC’s socialistic banks have often foregone lending that would bring them higher returns in order to prioritise credit for areas like uplifting of impoverished areas, public housing, renewable energy and environmental protection. They also played a vital role in China’s pandemic response, helping provide the funding that enabled manufacturers, pharma-biotech firms and developers to quickly switch over their operations to the delivery of PPE, COVID testing kits and makeshift hospitals.
The work of the PRC’s public sector in responding to the pandemic have produced stunning results. The PRC has the lowest death rate per person from COVID of any country in the world with a population of more than one million people. Twelve days ago, she achieved an incredible milestone: Mainland China went through a whole year without a single COVID related death! And this in a country with one in five of the world’s people! Of course, the capitalist media have denigrated this success by lying that China’s suppression of COVID is only the result of widespread continuing lockdowns. Yet today, not one large city in China is under a city-wide lockdown. Indeed, a large proportion of China’s residents have never had to endure a full lockdown during the entire pandemic. Even China’s best known megacities Beijing, Shanghai, Guangzhou, Chongqing and Shenzhen have, at most, only ever had lockdowns in small proportions of their giant cities but never a citywide, Sydney or Melbourne-style lockdown. Moreover, in rare cases when an outbreak did cause a whole Chinese city to lockdown, like Xian, which eased out of lockdown a few weeks ago, the lockdowns have been much shorter than the three to four months that Sydney and Melbourne residents endured in the middle of last year. Thus, even the worst hit parts of Xian were released from lockdown within 32 days. Over the last few days, although the PRC has had to take measures to prevent Winter Olympic teams from highly infected countries like Australia and Britain bringing the virus into China in big numbers, well over 99.5% of mainland China’s people enjoyed their seven-day (!) public holiday for Chinese New Year with more social freedoms than people have here. People packed into tourist spots and literally millions of people travelled on China’s famous high-speed trains every day. Nearly all of China has no restrictions on dancing and singing at clubs as we have in most Australian cities. Although the Chinese workers state has sometimes taken strict measures – putting the masses lives before business profits – China’s success in responding to the pandemic is not mainly because of this. What has separated the PRC’s response from all the capitalist countries is the ability of her socialistic system – where not only is the public sector the backbone but where private companies are subordinated to the workers state – to provide massive testing of people in COVID-affected cities, to move every COVID-affected person into medical care and quarantine in an existing or makeshift hospital and to give all hospital workers, aged care workers and other exposed workers full coverage PPE.
Socialistic Rule in China: Terrible for Capitalist Exploiters Worldwide, Great for the Working Classes of the World
It is not only China’s pandemic response and her common prosperity drive that Western capitalist ruling classes are seeking to denigrate. They, their media and the “independent” “human rights” NGOs that they fund are looking for every possible angle to attack the PRC. One of the main fronts in their propaganda offensive is over the situation of the Muslim Uyghur minority in China’s Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR). The U.S., Australian and other Western imperialist regimes – the same ones who destroyed Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Syria and Yemen through either direct invasion or proxy wars, who committed the most hideous war crimes in the countries that they invaded or bombed and who prop up Israel’s murderous oppression of Palestinian people – claim that China is committing “genocide” against Muslim Uyghurs. They make this ridiculous claim even while largely admitting that China is somehow committing this “genocide” without actually killing any Uyghurs??!! Instead they claim that China is supposedly imprisoning millions of Uyghurs in re-education camps. This is a truly whacko conspiracy theory on par with some of the nuttiest Q-Anon “theories”. To try and give some “credence” to this conspiracy theory, the capitalist powers have relied on the fabricated “accounts” of those under the influence of either, ultra-rich capitalist Uyghurs who want to overturn socialistic rule in the XUAR, or extreme religious fundamentalists who want to turn the XUAR into a version of ISIS’ Caliphate. However, Western regimes’ claims that Uyghurs are being subjugated by China have been strongly rejected by the overwhelming majority of Uyghurs living in Xinjiang who are instead proud of their anti-poverty advances – especially over the last twelve years – and who are freely enjoying the rich Uyghur language, music and dance. The section of the Uyghur community that most strongly opposes anti-PRC propaganda and the increasingly small number of right-wing Uyghur terrorists are Uyghur women. These women are terrified at the prospect of having their current secular lifestyle and freedoms inside the PRC being taken away and their status being thrown back to the much lower position endured by women in most of the neighbouring non-socialist countries to their west; which includes Afghanistan where both under the Western occupation and now under the Taliban, women are subjugated in a way that the religious fundamentalist component of anti-communist Uyghur forces would like to see.
Furthermore, the accusations against China over Uyghurs have been rejected by most of the world. The only countries to sign-up to these claims are the Western powers – the very same ones that have been subjecting their own Muslim communities to racist stigmatisation and heavy-handed policing – and a handful of ground down neocolonies, like Nauru, whose Australian imperialist overlords have turned into a concentration camp for refugees. In all, those regimes making the claims of Uyghur oppression rule over only one in eight of the world’s people. Notably, not one Muslim-majority country has consistently signed onto these anti-PRC claims. Indeed, with the exception of Japan, not a single country in all of Asia, the Middle East, Africa or South America has signed on. Instead, far, far more countries have signed statements that not only denounced “the groundless accusations against China based on disinformation” but which positively “commends the efforts of the People’s Republic of China in providing care to its Muslim citizens” in the XUAR. As a small number of Western mainstream media outlets have had to report, at UN meetings, around 70 countries have signed statements lauding China’s treatment of Uyghurs and in all around 90 countries have openly weighed in behind China on the issue. Notably, this includes the vast majority of the world’s Muslim-majority countries, including those as different from each other as Palestine, Pakistan, Nigeria, Somalia, Iran, Iraq, Algeria, Turkmenistan and Qatar. Indeed the claims about China subjugating Muslim Uyghurs are so ridiculous that even thoroughly U.S.-allied Muslim-majority countries like the UAE, Kuwait, Egypt, Saudi Arabia and Jordan have rejected the anti-China claims and instead praised China’s advancement of Uyghur human rights through development.
It is no surprise that capitalist ruling classes would do everything possible to vilify the PRC. After all, we know how viciously capitalists, their media and their governments attack trade unions that staunchly defend workers rights like the construction workers CFMEU – and especially its militant Victorian branch. Therefore we can expect that the capitalist class will be even more fanatical in attacking organisations – like the Chinese workers state – formed when the toiling classes not only assembled to fight for improved rights but actually united to takeover a country. After all, the existence of the PRC workers state is greatly impeding the ability of the powerful “multinational” capitalists of the richer countries to exploit a workforce of some 800 million people! Moreover, the existence of a workers state in the world’s most populous country provokes the greatest fear of the capitalist rulers of Australia and other “like-minded countries”: that the working class of their own countries will look at China and decide that they also want to grab state power. The fact that the PRC state has been more clearly showing its pro-working class character of late by cracking down on greedy capitalists and improving the rights of gig workers makes capitalist ruling classes the world over all the more nervous.
For the very same reason that capitalist exploiting classes fear and loathe the socialistic PRC, the working class must hail and defend its existence. For the very existence of working class rule in China, Vietnam, Laos, Cuba and North Korea – in however a fragile and incomplete form – gives confidence to the toiling classes in Australia and other capitalist countries that they do not have to accept capitalist rule and all that it brings – bullying bosses, economic insecurity, growing racism and a society that puts the profits of wealthy business owners above the lives of workers, our parents and our grandparents. That is why the workers movement and Left must unconditionally stand with socialistic China and the other workers states against every form of attack that they face – whether that be military, economic or propagandistic. Down with the U.S./Australia/Britain military build-up against the PRC and North Korea! No nuclear submarines for the Australian regime – No to AUKUS! U.S./NATO/Australia out of the South China Sea! Rebuff the lying “human rights” attacks on the PRC over Uyghurs, Tibet and Hong Kong! Oppose U.S. funding for capitalist counterrevolutionary groups in China!
China’s Socialist Advances Face Serious Threats – All the More Reason to the Defend the Workers State
The pro-working class measures that are being implemented within China are meeting much resistance – even from certain elements within the ruling Communist Party of China (CPC). China’s capitalists hate the recent measures with a vengeance. But they dare not say so openly. So they get establishment bodies like their All China Federation of Industry and Commerce to lobby behind the scenes for “respect” for the “rights” of capitalist exploiters. Meanwhile, various experts, economists and academics that are close to these capitalists, like liberal Peking University economics professor Zhang Weiying, have been speaking out against the common prosperity drive. Given that the CPC is the only truly mass party in China, it is inevitable that the party would house those holding a range of viewpoints – including those that are protective of the capitalists. Indeed, even China’s number two, premier Li Keqiang seems to be quietly obstructing president Xi Jinping’s common prosperity push by favouring the private sector – as opposed to the socialistic public sector – in his tax policies and statements. In the face of this blowback, there was some retreat by the PRC leadership in their public stance about the crackdown on “disorderly expansion of capital.” PRC officials sought to reassure domestic capitalists and foreign investors that there were limits to how far the recent moves would go.
On the other hand, the Chinese masses have been egging on the PRC’s crackdown on big-time capitalists. Chinese workers and youth have, quite correctly, flooded social media with posts calling out Jack Ma as an “evil capitalist” and a “bloodsucker”. A commentator who cheered that “Ma will definitely be hung from the lamppost” received well over a hundred thousands likes for that post! Pushed by such mass sentiment, last August, some of the biggest Chinese state media outlets chose to run an article by popular leftist blogger Li Guangman that encouraged the crackdown on capitalists to deepen, calling them a forerunner of “profound revolutions” that would see a “return to the original intentions and quintessence” of socialism. Meanwhile, despite right-wing sections of the CPC having made headway in lobbying for legal guidelines stipulating that economic transgressions by “entrepreneurs” (by which they mean capitalists) will in future be dealt with as civil matters rather than jail-carrying crimes, major sections of the PRC state are not relenting on their moves to bring aggressive capitalists and those that protect them to heel. Last September, after HNA’s state administrators had wiped out their wealth, the now ex, billionaire former owners of HNA Group, its ex-chairman and ex-CEO, were arrested. Then, last week, the CPC expelled from the party and handed over to prosecutors the recent, former CPC chief of Hangzhou city, Zhou Jiangyong for not only taking bribes but for having “colluded with some capital elements and backed the runaway expansion of capital”. Sensationally, Hangzhou is the city where Jack Ma’s corporations are based. Speculation is mounting that among the “capital elements” that Zhou colluded with in backing “the runaway expansion of capital” is none other than Jack Ma himself. Many in China are excited that Zhou’s downfall will be the prelude to the final takedown of China’s most well-known capitalist exploiter, Jack Ma.
In summary, there is a fierce tug of war going on between on the one end, the Chinese working class and its allies both within and outside the CPC and on the other, the capitalist class and those upper middle class elements and groupings within the CPC aligning themselves with the private “entrepreneurs.” In some sense this is no different to the class conflict taking place in the capitalist world. However, the big difference between the contest running in China and that in the capitalist world, is that in China, the seizure of state power by the toiling masses in 1949 and the resulting emergence of a society centred on working-class, that is collectivised, property forms has given the working class the decisive advantage in the class war. However, they have far from achieved final victory. The excessive openings to capitalists made by the CPC from the mid-1980s to the mid-noughties greatly strengthened the pro-capitalist side. Most importantly, capitalist restorationist forces within China are boosted by the fact that all the most powerful countries in the world, other than for China itself, remain under capitalist rule. Their presence not only emboldens Chinese capitalists to demand ever more “rights” but helps rightist sections within the CPC to prosecute the case that with such strong external forces opposing socialist rule, Beijing has no choice but to “compromise” with and “adapt” to global capitalism. This is another reason why those particular socialists (in Australia this includes Solidarity, Socialist Alternative, the Australian Communist Party, Socialist Alliance and the SEP) who use the existence of a degree of capitalism within China as an excuse to support anti-communist forces attacking the PRC state – like Hong Kong’s pro-colonial, rich people’s opposition – are actually helping strengthen pro-capitalist forces within the PRC establishment. By increasing the hostile pressure on the workers state, they are helping empower Chinese “Gorbachevs” who should they gain the ascendancy would open the gates for outright capitalist counterrevolutionaries to storm through and take power.
In contrast to those leftists who capitulate to the anti-PRC Cold War, we in Trotskyist Platform work hard to mobilise active solidarity with the Chinese workers state. In October 2019, we joined together with the Australian Chinese Workers Association and others to build a united-front action that saw 70 people march through Sydney city calling to “Stand with Socialistic China.” When word got back to China about this action, those staunch Chinese communists who heard about it were thrilled. We need more of and more powerful such actions! For these actions not only inspire anti-capitalist workers within China to resist the capitalists and their advocates but emboldens them to push for the crackdown on “the disorderly expansion of capital” to intensify. And China’s anti-capitalist crackdown does need to go much further than president Xi wants. To fortify working class rule and ensure the PRC’s further progress towards “common prosperity”, the power of Jack Ma and his ilk needs to be smashed. The tech, real estate and light manufacturing sectors need to confiscated from these capitalists and brought into public ownership. The danger of the socialistic economy being white anted by a large number of smaller-scale capitalists needs to be averted by ending premier Li Keqiang’s concessions to small and medium sized private “entrepreneurs”. Rather than rescuing such private enterprises by giving them handouts, promising such enterprises should be nationalised when in trouble. Let’s help advance China’s socialistic public sector! Let’s do so by mobilising in solidarity with the PRC here in Australia!
Let’s Seize on China’s Anti-Capitalist Measures to Motivate the Struggle Against Australia’s Capitalist Exploiters
We should point to the existence of socialistic rule in China to not only popularise the need for a future socialist revolution here in Australia but to motivate a fightback right now against growing exploitation and privatisation. Every time that we demand any serious measures to restrict the “right” of capitalists to “freely” exploit it poses the questions: how far are such restrictions going to go and what should be done if such measures cause the capitalist engine to grind to a halt. The current pro-ALP leadership of the workers movement responds to these questions by telling the masses that while there should be restrictions on capitalist exploitation such measures should be mild so that they allow the current (that is capitalist) system to function properly. However, the fact that a socialistic system is operating in the world’s most populous country and running rather successfully – even though the workers state there is weakened and distorted by hostile pressure and capitalist intrusion -shows that the workers movement does not have to moderate our demands to ensure the success of capitalism. The dead end of Laborism can be rejected. The working class can and should fight for what it actually needs! For if making headway on those demands causes the capitalist order to start coming apart – as it inevitably will – then so be it; that is no issue because replacing capitalist rule with socialistic working class rule has been proven to work in China and is what we desperately need. Through our publications and discussions with the masses, through seeking to steer progressive struggles in a direction that enhances the working class’ trust in their own power and diminishes their illusions in any wing of the capitalist class and in any organ of the capitalist state and through ourselves initiating actions with the same purpose, Trotskyist Platform works hard to win broader and broader layers of the working class to the need for a future workers conquest of state power, while advancing the building of the revolutionary workers party that would spearhead the struggle for such a socialist revolution. We understand that the struggle for a socialist Australia will be advanced today by the working class fighting through class-struggle methods for what it needs. That is why we draw the Australian working class’ attention to the anti-capitalist measures being taken in China and seek to use that to inspire workers to mobilise right now in action to demand: A guaranteed minimum wage and all the rights of permanency for all gig workers! For big wage rises! For a massive increase in public housing! No to privatisation of the NBN – stop all privatisations! Nationalise the banks, aged care sector and pathology services!
Photo Above: Police roughly arrest a mother for attempting to visit her children who are residing in one of Melbourne’s locked down public housing towers.
A Deadly Tale of Nationalist Arrogance,
Capitalist Greed,
Cold War Fear Mongering and Dog Whistling to Racism
Racism, Capitalism and Pandemic in Australia
“First
World” Arrogance and Callous Indifference for the Poor, Ill and Elderly
“Herd
Immunity” Means Culling of the Herd
The
Victorian ALP Government’s Cruelly Implemented Lockdown of Public Housing
Tenants
U.S.,
Britain, Australia and the Inherent Deficiencies of the Capitalist System
The
Politically Motivated Selection of Travel Restrictions Caused the Death of
Scores of Australians
All
the Ugliness Comes Out
For
United Working Class Struggle!
9 July 2020: In just the last week, Australia has had well over a thousand people newly infected with COVID-19. The coronavirus is spreading quickly in Melbourne’s working class suburbs. Migrant workers, in particular, often work in crucial frontline roles – as supermarket workers, cleaners, transport workers, health sector employees etc – where it is harder to protect oneself from catching infectious diseases. Rather than responding to the virus spread in migrant working class areas with compassion and support, the Australian ruling class, from its politicians to its media to its police enforcers, have responded with stigmatisation and cruelty.
Worldwide,
the current pandemic has killed over half a million people. Such infectious
diseases have caused immense suffering to humans since time immemorial. The H1N1
influenza A pandemic that started in the latter months of World War 1 killed
between 21 million and 100 million people! That outbreak “originated” in the
U.S. and was then carried by infected troops to Europe [1]. The virus was
colloquially known as the “Spanish Flu” but this was only because Spain, a
neutral country during the war, did not censor reports on the epidemic.
The emergence of a disease that causes widespread death is a natural disaster that could “originate” anywhere. Naturally, on sheer probability, a disease is more likely to start in one of the countries with the largest populations. However, speaking about “where a disease started” is a misnomer. For new viruses and bacteria are merely mutations of previously existing ones. These organisms are constantly evolving. Some animal-hosted viruses may jump from animal to human in a form already quite adapted to a human host, while others may mutate within humans for long periods before becoming infectious. Therefore, speaking about “where a virus started” depends on how far you want to go back in time.
The outbreak
of an infectious disease is impossible to stop at its source. Before the first
people infected become ill enough to seek treatment they would have likely passed
the disease onto others. Moreover, before there is enough cases for doctors to
notice the new threat, the disease would have spread still further. This is
especially the case for COVID-19, which while being truly deadly for many only
produces mild symptoms in most. Once there is a spread of a new disease, the amount
of suffering that it causes, as with any natural disaster, depends much on the
efforts of humans and our social systems. As a result, the level of suffering
caused by the new virus has varied greatly from country to country.
All the above indicates just how unscientific was the right-wing Australian government’s proposal for an international “inquiry” focused solely on the “origin” of COVID-19. Those issues are of scientific interest. However, thefar more important issue is that part of the pandemic that can actually be controlled: that is once there was an initial spread how effective were the measures taken to contain it. Fortunately, the focus of the government’s proposal was in fair part rejected by most countries [2]. Instead, the World Health Assembly unanimously adopted a resolution to investigate the overall response to the pandemic rather than on only its origins. The Australian government’s rebuffed emphasis, which had been fully backed by the ALP “opposition,” was not simply a scientific error. It was politically motivated. Their aim was to help themselves and their U.S. allies to score propaganda points against China, the world’s largest socialistic country, where they claim that the virus “originated” from (although recent evidence may suggest otherwise). They had another aim too. By getting everyone obsessed with the “origins” of the virus, Australia’s rulers wanted to divert people from the fact that their own response to the pandemic has been deeply flawed and that of their key allies, the U.S. and Britain, downright catastrophic [3] [4].
Australian authorities endlessly boast about their “successful” response to the coronavirus threat. However, their boast is true only in comparison with the likes of the U.S., Brazil, Britain, Russia, Sweden and India which have had really failed responses. Australia’s death toll per resident from the pandemic is now 30% higher than China’s despite Australia having had the huge advantage of having time to prepare for the arrival of the virus [5] [6]. Furthermore, while China has thus far avoided a large second wave, Australia’s second biggest city is experiencing just such a virus resurgence. Moreover, in comparison with some countries with more difficult circumstances, including many of those that share borders with China and, thus, were more vulnerable to a virus spread from Wuhan, the suffering caused by COVID-19 is far worse in Australia. It is important to note that five of the countries that share borders with China have thus far had no deaths from COVID-19 whatsoever!
Three of these countries sharing borders with China and currently having no COVID-19 deaths are socialistic countries like China itself. Those countries are Vietnam, North Korea and Laos [7] [8] [9]. The socialist system, in which the key means of production are under collective ownership, enables resources to be pooled to respond to natural disasters. Nevertheless, two of the countries bordering China that currently have had no coronavirus deaths – Mongolia and Bhutan [10] [11] – are not socialistic. This shows that, although a country burdened by capitalist rule would not be able to replicate the response that socialistic China made had they been faced with similar circumstances of a previously unknown disease spreading quickly, even a capitalist country could, with correct policies, make an effective response provided they had forewarning that the virus was on its way, as Australia certainly did. Other lower income countries have also responded more successfully to the virus than Australian authorities have. Rwanda has had just three COVID-19 deaths so far compared to the 106 in Australia [12].
That COVID-19 has not, at this time, devastated Australia to the extent that it has the U.S and Britain is more due to this country’s geography rather than good management. Firstly, Australia is an island and islands are a lot easier to implement quarantine measures in. Thus, many island nations have fared comparatively well during this pandemic. Many of Australia’s island neighbours have not had a single death from the coronavirus including Fiji and New Caledonia [13] [14]. The second factor that should have made it relatively easy to deal with a virus threat here is the fact that Australia has one of the world’s lowest population densities. This matters, because when people are living more tightly together diseases naturally spread more quickly. Thus, Thailand faced difficult circumstances because not only was she the second country to report a coronavirus case, Thailand has a population density that is 39 times that of Australia. Yet Thailand has had only slightly over half the number of deaths as in Australia, despite having nearly three times Australia’s population [15].
“First World” Arrogance and Callous
Indifference for the Poor, Ill and Elderly
The
Australian government exaggerated their capacity to deal with the pandemic. On
February 28, Morrison insisted that because his government had “acted quickly”,
“there is no need for us to be moving towards not having mass gatherings of
people” [16]. It took a whole 50 days after Australia had reported its first
case before the government implemented any social distancing measures [17] [18].
As professor at the University of New South Wales, Bill Bowtell said of the
government’s response [19]:
“Let’s cut to the chase, they were warned 12 weeks ago by WHO and others what was coming. They did not accumulate test kits. They did not accumulate the necessary emergency equipment. They did not undertake a public education campaign. They gave no money to science, no money to research, no money to the International Vaccine Institute, no money to WHO. They diligently did not do anything useful.”
So
what drove the leaders of Australia and other “like-minded countries” to be so
tardy in responding to COVID-19? Arrogant over-confidence is part of the story.
On March 11, still four days before any social distancing measures were
implemented, health minister Greg Hunt boasted for the umpteenth time [20] [21]
[22] that “we are as well prepared as any country in the world” [23]. In the
following two months alone, a further 94 people would tragically lose their
lives to the disease in Australia.
The
leaders of the imperialist countries were clouded by a condescending attitude
to the former colonies and semi-colonies that they saw initially affected by
the virus. They saw their own systems as superior. So they thought that they
did not need to quickly implement social distancing and urgently build up
stocks. Moreover, they swallowed their own propaganda about China. They
thought: surely we will be able to respond more effectively than a socialistic
country. History sure did prove them wrong!
However,
there was also something even more sinister than imperial arrogance that held back
the American, Australian and other Western leaders from responding quickly
enough to the pandemic. On February 25, Trump made a tweet whose last sentence
gave the game away [24]:
“The Coronavirus is very much under control in the USA…. Stock Market starting to look very good to me!”
Trump and his ilk downplayed the virus threat and therefore delayed the implementation of social distancing because they did not want measures that would disrupt business activity and harm the stock market. In short, the U.S. rulers put the profits of capitalists way ahead of the well-being of the masses. This became even more pronounced once it became clear who the virus was especially killing: black and brown people as well as frontline workers who were often from black and migrant communities themselves [25]. Egged on by extreme white supremacists, right-wing politicians demanded the end of lockdowns despite the virus continuing to spread like wildfire. This is what Republican and Democrat state governors have done. As a result, the virus is now spreading even more disastrously in the U.S.
“Herd
Immunity” Means Culling of the Herd
In Britain, the unashamed indifference to the loss of lives caused by COVID-19, which in the U.S. was expressed by far-right lunatics, entirely shaped the policy of authorities there in the early phase of the pandemic. In mid-March, the British regime revealed that its “strategy” was to get 60% of the population infected “to build up some kind of herd immunity so more people are immune…” [26] [27]! This would have resulted in between 400,000 and 1.4 million residents of Britain dying to achieve “herd immunity” so that its economy would not be hurt by second waves of infection! In practice such a pursuit of “herd immunity” actually means a culling of the herd. A culling of those too elderly or ill to any longer pull the cart of the capitalist big wigs. A culling of those working in low-skilled frontline jobs more vulnerable to being infected but whom the exploiting class considers more easily replaceable by other “beasts of burden”. A culling of the poor population living in over-crowded housing where diseases transmit easily and who are thought of as “surplus” herd by a good number of the ruling class.
It
was not until late March that the conservative British government led by Boris
Johnson changed their strategy and began implementing social distancing. It
seems that the ruling class realised that although it was low-paid workers,
Britain’s black population and working-class Asian communities that were being
hit hardest, even some members of the ruling class were also being affected.
Yet by the time that the British regime instituted restrictions on gatherings, over
11,000 people in England alone had already been infected [28]. It was way too
late. The disease had already spread rampantly and could no longer be contained
easily. That is why, other than for a couple of tiny countries, Britain has the
second highest number of deaths per person in the world from the coronavirus [29].
It has been not only countries with conservative governments that implemented callous “herd immunity” strategies. So did the social democrat-run, capitalist state in Sweden. The result was disastrous [30]! The Australian government also seriously flirted with a “herd immunity” policy three months ago. In mid-March, Morrison mentioned “herd immunity” was a reason for keeping schools open [31]. Later, the government pulled back after condemnation from health experts. It seems that the Liberal government’s widely denounced response to last summer’s bushfires has made them concerned to appear like they are showing more support for those who could be impacted by the pandemic. Moreover, with the Peoples Republic of China (PRC) already having taken an approach that put their population health’s ahead of business profits, the Australian regime, obsessed as it is with scoring propaganda points against its socialistic adversary, felt constrained to put a greater weight on curbing the virus than they otherwise would have in order to not to appear callous in comparison. Yet, in capitalist societies the masses face a double-edged sword during a pandemic. On the one hand, governments could delay introducing preventative measures leading to enormous loss of life. Yet if governments do implement social distancing, given that bosses in capitalist states have the unrestricted right to lay off workers, huge numbers of workers lose their jobs or have their number of shifts slashed.
After Australian authorities belatedly implemented some of the necessary measures to curb the pandemic and maintained them for a period, as lockdowns ate into business profits, capitalists, big and small, clamoured for a rapid re-opening. As a result the federal government and state Liberal and ALP governments alike, who ultimately all serve the capitalist class, engaged in a risky rollback of measures even while significant levels of infections remain in the community. In the two weeks prior to most of Australia beginning major re-opening on June 1, this country with a population of 25 million had 144 new cases [32] [33]. By contrast, in the two weeks prior to China’s significant re-opening of the worst affected city of Wuhan on April 8, that country had 580 new cases [5] in a country with a population 57 times larger than Australia’s. That means that Australian governments attempted a rollback of social distancing when the virus was spreading 14 times more intensely than it was in China when she implemented similar re-openings. This recklessly quick re-opening is the primary cause of Melbourne’s second wave of infections.
The Victorian ALP Government’s Cruelly Implemented Lockdown of Public Housing Tenants
Among those hardest hit by the virus second wave are public housing tenants living in tower blocks. This is due to the negligence of the Daniel Andrews-led, Victorian Labor government. Victorian authorities failed to ensure adequate disinfection of common areas in these towers. Even regular cleaning of such common areas is minimal as governments across Australia cut down spending on public housing maintenance in order to help fund tax cuts for the rich and ever increasing budgets for police, ASIO and the military. Since COVID-19 struck, large public housing blocks have only been provided with one hand sanitiser dispenser per tower, if at all, and these are often left empty [34]. What has also made tenants especially vulnerable to virus transmission is that they have often been made to stay in over-crowded units because successive Labor and Liberal governments across the country have sold off so much public housing that those able to access it have had to accept being squeezed into tiny apartments.
After residents in public housing blocks were inevitably hit with the consequences of such negligence, the Andrews government responded by banning thousands of residents in public housing towers in Flemington and North Melbourne from leaving their units. The harsh manner in which authorities have implemented the hard lockdown indicates that this measure is not mainly about trying to genuinely protect the low income public housing tenants, many of whom are from African, Middle Eastern, Asian and Islander backgrounds. Public health workers were not sent in to explain the decision or to inform tenants of what needed to be done to protect their lives. Instead, residents first knew that they were being locked in when large hordes of police appeared at their buildings and started stopping residents from leaving. Given that many of the tenants have previously suffered racist harassment from Australian cops – and some earlier from refugee detention centre guards – the presence of massive numbers of police keeping them locked up has been very frightening for many of the locked down tenants. These police have been rude and harsh. Over the first two days of the lockdown, they even prevented volunteers and friends from leaving food, medicine and other supplies for hungry tenants to pick up [35]. Most despicably, police brutally arrested a member of a charity trying to leave food for residents. It was only after loud protests from social workers that police released their hold on the arrested charity worker as the terrified dark skinned man cried out desperately, “I can’t breathe.” Police have also arrested frustrated tenants trying to hold impromptu protests against the cruelty of lockdown conditions.
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Tenants
have been left hungry and scared after the supplies of food and other
essentials promised by the government did not even start to be provided until
some 36 to 48 hours after the start of the lockdown. When supplies finally
arrived they were often grossly inadequate to feed families in the apartments.
The food deliveries typically consisted of tins of out of date food. Fresh food
and vegetables were not provided. The only decent meals that some locked down
residents were finally able to receive came through the generous efforts of
volunteer social organisations and trade unions.
In the midst of a pandemic we support restrictions genuinely made to protect people from being infected. However, aside from the incredible cruelty at the way that this lockdown has been implemented and the stigmatisation involved with only applying a hard lockdown to low-income tenants who are overwhelmingly people of colour, its actual value in terms of protecting residents is questionable. With the coronavirus likely to spread through aerosol droplets and with low-income tenants unable to afford the heating expenses that would arise from keeping their windows open to let infected air disperse, having COVID positive and negative cases alike locked into cramped tiny apartments in a packed tower block is a recipe for virus spread both within households and through airflow under and around doors from room to room. If authorities were actually serious about protecting Melbourne public housing residents they would ensure that infected people could be moved into safer quarantine at hospitals or hotels. It seems that this lockdown is not about protecting the interests of tenants but has more than a whiff of being a measured aimed at sacrificing the well-being of low-income, overwhelmingly non-white skinned residents in order to stop the virus spreading to wealthier neighbourhoods.
The contrast between this Melbourne hard lockdown of public housing and the earlier lockdown in China’s hard-hit Wuhan could not be more different. Firstly, that lockdown in Wuhan did not single out low-income people but applied equally to everyone regardless of how wealthy they were. Moreover, the success of that lock down was achieved because, after Chinese health experts realised how easily the virus spreads among family members and among residents in the same apartment blocks, PRC authorities moved all COVID positive people into hospitals both to give them proper care and to ensure that they did not unwittingly transmit the virus onto others. Thirdly, rather than being implemented through police repression, the Wuhan lockdown was based on grass-roots mobilisation. Teams consisting of volunteers, neighbourhood collective representatives and community workers went door to door to explain pandemic measures and ascertain residents’ needs. As a result the overwhelming majority of people complied with measures. In the tiny percentage of cases where a person tried to violate lockdowns it was primarily these grassroots forces rather than police who would enforce measures. Therefore, those who tried to violate Wuhan’s lockdown were, for the most part, not arrested but usually escorted – and in a very small number of cases literally dragged – back to their homes by grassroots activists who were often their very own neighbours. Harsh police repression in China was really only meted out – and rightly so – to business owners trying to profiteer from the crisis by jacking up prices. Fourthly, the PRC government and local Communist Party branches ensured that Wuhan residents were actually given the supplies promised including fresh fruit and vegetables. Social media photos show many people there eating famously tasty Chinese meals during their lockdown.
Perhaps the biggest difference between the hard lockdown of certain public housing towers in Melbourne and the earlier lockdown in Wuhan is in the differing attitudes of the ruling establishments in the two countries to the locked down residents. Here, locked down tenants have been subjected to despicable racist and anti-working class insults by white supremacist politicians like Pauline Hanson and by right-wing mainstream media outlets. In contrast, China’s state media heaped praise on the residents of Wuhan for enduring a lockdown that would reduce the spread of the virus to other parts of China and would buy time for the rest of the world to respond to the virus threat. Iconic Chinese landmarks in major cities were lit up with signs expressing solidarity with the people of Wuhan [36]. China’s president repeatedly praised Wuhan’s people as “heroic” [37]. We suggest that people don’t hold their breadth waiting for Scott Morrison to praise the locked down public housing residents of Melbourne as “heroic” or for the Sydney Opera House to light up with a solidarity message for these tenants!
U.S.,
Britain, Australia and the Inherent Deficiencies of the Capitalist System
Even if governments in the U.S.A, Australia and other Western countries hypothetically set aside their disdain for the interests of working class people and their racial bias and truly sought to implement all the policies necessary to suppress the coronavirus threat, the amount that they could actually achieve is hampered by the structure of their societies. In capitalist societies the key means of production are owned by wealthy individual capitalists with total “freedom” to determine production. In the manufacturing sector, these capitalist bosses largely calculated that it was not profitable enough for them to quickly switch over their production to make vitally needed pandemic relief goods. The few that did mostly did so too slowly. As a result, in the crucial early period of the pandemic here, health workers were bitterly complaining about the shortage of masks and other PPE (personal protective equipment). Ironically, given the Morrison regime’s attacks on China over the pandemic, the medical mask shortage was only relieved after the Australian government procured a big quantity of masks from China in mid-April [38]. However, there remains an inadequate amount of protective suits here. Therefore, Australian health workers and others working in areas of high risk of contracting, or passing on, COVID-19 have often not been able to wear the highly effective head-to-toe, spacesuit-style protective gear that nurses, doctors and sanitation workers in socialistic China were equipped with. This is a major cause of the deadly virus spread centered around Tasmania’s North West Regional Hospital three months ago and the later outbreak at Anglicare Sydney’s nursing home in Penrith. It is also the key reason for the clusters of cases that originated when the virus jumped from returned travelers quarantined at Melbourne’s Stamford Plaza onto contractors working at the hotel.
Similarly, in the crucial earlier period of the pandemic, there were not enough testing kits available. Even people with symptoms could not get tested unless they had recently returned from overseas or if they had contact with a known case. As a result the virus spread here in that period partly undetected.
The Politically Motivated Selection of Travel Restrictions Caused the Death of Scores of Australians
On February 1, Canberra banned non-citizens and non-permanent residents from any part of China from entering Australia. This is despite China having already quarantined off Wuhan and other hard hit cities in Hubei Province, meaning that people from the part of China where the virus was concentrated could not enter Australia anyway. At the end of February, the Australian government continued to maintain this travel ban specifically only on all of China. Yet by then, the coronavirus was spreading much more quickly in South Korea [39] and Italy [40] than in China outside of quarantined-off Hubei. One did not even need to look at China’s data to know this. At the end of February, Australia’s Deputy Chief Medical Officer, Professor Paul Kelly, informed that of the 40,000 people re-entering Australia from China in February not one single person had tested positive for COVID-19 [41].
Now we do not seek the “evening out” of xenophobic measures by having travel bans introduced more uniformly! We are opposed to outright bans on foreign nationals from any country. We note that, despite the virus being far better contained in China today than in almost every other large country, China itself has not imposed an outright ban on arrivals from any country. However, in cases of a pandemic where there is a significantly higher prevalence of a disease in an overseas country then it is reasonable for measures to be taken to screen arrivals from that country and place them into quarantine for a period.
It was not until March 1 that the Australian government introduced restrictions on arrivals from another country other than China. But that country was again a state whom the Australian government saw as an adversary (although in this case not a socialistic country)! That country was Iran, the country whom the Australian government sought to intimidate in January by joining a threatening U.S. naval operation in waters nearby to Iran. The Australian state’s selective adoption of Iran as the second country from whom arrivals would face special restrictions seemed to be motivated, at least in part, by an effort to create fear of Iran. After all, while Iran had 733 cases in the three days prior to the ban [42], South Korea and Italy which both have smaller populations had, respectively, 1,970 cases [39] and 1,047 cases [40] in that same period.
Finally on March 5, the Australian government imposed a travel ban on a country that was not an adversary: that is, South Korea. However, while capitalist South Korea is certainly an ally of Australian imperialism, nevertheless as a rule Koreans are still not white. So for a regime cynically selecting the countries that it imposes travel bans on out of political considerations, they no doubt saw listing South Korea as at least subtly contributing to a fear of Asians. The Morrison government sees such underhanded fear-mongering as “useful” in order to divert people’s frustrations at the lack of secure jobs, the shortage of affordable rental accommodation and other hardships caused by their system onto a soft target.
Meanwhile, by the time that the travel ban on South Korea was imposed, the virus was spreading more than a hundred times faster per person in Italy than in China [5] [40]. Yet the Australian government was delaying introducing any quarantine requirements on arrivals from Italy while maintaining a travel ban on arrivals from China. On March 9, Australia’s chief medical officer, Brendan Murphy, struggled to answer reporters’ questions on why the ban was imposed on China but not Italy [43]. Murphy stated that, “… we know we can’t really just put bans in place for an increasing number of countries.” But why choose to have the ban on China and not other countries when the virus was actually spreading massively faster in those other countries – arrivals from which Australia did not even then require to self-quarantine? Perhaps Murphy struggled with the question because it was the Morrison government that pressured the health bureaucrats to “advise” such a politically-motivated choice of countries to impose travel bans on. On the other hand, it could simply be that these highly paid bureaucrats see the world through the same lens as the rich people’s government they serve under.
It was only on March 11 as the death rate in Italy soared even more alarmingly that the government imposed the same measures on arrivals from Italy that were imposed on those from China. In the meantime, the coronavirus was also now spreading much faster in other European countries and in the U.S. than it was in China. In the three days up to March 15, for example, Germany, which has a population 17 times smaller than China’s, had 3068 new cases [44] as opposed to just 47 in all of China. Meanwhile, in Spain the number of new cases in the previous three days was 3,200 times higher per person than in China [45] [5]. Yet it was not until March 20 that the Morrison government placed the same restrictions on entrants from other countries that it had imposed on arrivals from China seven weeks previously.
The delay by the government in introducing any quarantining of people entering from the virus-ravaged United States and Europe, even while maintaining a China travel ban, led to some spectacular instances of “First World” arrivals spreading the virus here. Many cases can be traced back to a high-society party in the U.S. luxury resort of Aspen hosted by Australian tycoon and Liberal Party powerbroker, Andrew Abercrombie [46]. Around a dozen of the rich attendees, many of whom were Victorians, contracted the virus there. The infected Australians then returned in March and spread the virus to dozens upon dozens of others. One couple, confirmed as being infected at the high-society event, defied directions and visited shops in Victoria’s Mornington Peninsula, likely causing the sudden outbreak of 35 cases in the area. Another person from the U.S. resort cluster infected many others after attending a 21st birthday party in a wealthy Melbourne suburb [47]. However, she was merely following the health advice at the time, which did not require arrivals from the U.S. to even self-isolate. Earlier, in events un-connected to the Aspen party, a doctor returning to Melbourne from the U.S. with a runny nose then treated 70 patients before being diagnosed with COVID-19 a week after his arrival [48]. However, it is not the doctor who was only at fault here. Well into March, the Australian government was still asking only people who arrived from certain “high-risk countries” (which they then deemed to be only China, Iran and South Korea) to get tested should they have symptoms.
Prior to the implementation of quarantining of arrivals from all countries, Australian passengers from cruise ships, which had already proven to be petri dishes of disease growth, were also often not tested upon arrival. On March 19, Australian authorities failed to screen 2,700 passengers, many of whom were ill, who disembarked from the Ruby Princess cruise ship. The hapless passengers then infected others when they travelled home on trains, buses and flights. At least twenty-two passengers ended up dying from COVID-19. People infected aboard the ship also unwittingly passed the virus onto staff at Tasmania’s North West Hospital, starting a massive outbreak in the region.
The fact is that a large proportion of cases came into Australia from America, Europe or cruise ships. Just how large? Up to April 30, the last day that Australian authorities published the chart “confirmed cases who acquired COVID-19 overseas by region”[49], a whopping 85% of all overseas acquired cases entered from the Americas, Europe or cruise ships! Given that Australian Department of Health data showed that up to April 30 there were in total 4,295 overseas acquired cases [50], this meant that 3,651 coronavirus-infected people entered Australia from Europe, America or cruise ships up to April 30. By contrast, the department’s infographic [49] showed that just 36 cases (a tiny 0.83% of all overseas acquired cases) entered from the entire North-East Asian region that includes China as well as South Korea and Japan! It is worth noting too that since arrivals from China had been carefully screened from the very start of the pandemic and that those still able to enter after the travel ban were forced to quarantine, arrivals from China did not cause any of the virus spread within Australia at all. The opposite was true, however, for arrivals from Europe and America. This is especially the case for the nearly two thousand infected people who arrived from these regions prior to the implementation of concentrated quarantining on March 29. Not only were they not required to even undergo home quarantining until mid-March (unlike arrivals from China, Iran and later South Korea), authorities did not even tell them to get tested until well into March even if they had symptoms! As a result many did not even know that they were infected until much later and, thus, passed the virus onto others. Other than for the likes of the upper class snobs returning from the high society Aspen party who refused directions to self-quarantine, this was of course not their fault at all. These people, just like the Ruby Princess passengers, were themselves victims of government policy. Not knowing that they were at high risk meant that they did not seek out early treatment meaning that their symptoms often became worse than they should have. Nevertheless, it was these thousands of COVID-19 cases arriving from Europe and America, along with infections caused by the Ruby Princess that became the source of most of the community transmission within Australia in its first wave.
Australian authorities were well aware that COVID-19 was mostly entering from Europe and America. Why then did they not move to stop the importation of cases from these regions much sooner even as they maintained a travel ban on China well after she had almost completely suppressed the virus threat? Certainly there must have been some First World chauvinism – and a degree of underlying racial prejudice – at play. But that cannot fully explain a policy so at variance with the science. There was a factor still more sinister. For in order to achieve their goal of portraying Red China negatively, the Australian regime had to maintain their specific travel ban on only China for as long as possible. And then when they were compelled to have to bring in quarantining measures on other countries, they needed to ensure that this was implemented on as few countries as possible so that as much suspicious focus could still be maintained on China. Australia’s capitalist exploiting class are obsessed with demonising socialistic China because they want to make the Australian masses acquiesce to the Australian regime’s authoritarian moves to increase the powers of the ASIO secret police, further increase funding for spy agencies and arm their military with $270 billion of new long-range missiles.
In a major speech three weeks ago, foreign minister Marise Payne, stung by China calling out rampant racism within Australia, said that “disinformation” during the pandemic “will cost lives.” She was right! Except that disinformation is coming not from China but from the Australian regime – most notably through using the skewed application of country-specific quarantine measures – and is aimed at misleading people into thinking that the main danger of virus importation was from China. This distortion of pandemic policy to meet Cold War disinformation agendas cost the lives of dozens of Australians who would not have caught the disease from community transmission had authorities taken the scientifically mandated course of introducing earlier testing and quarantining of arrivals from the U.S., Italy, Germany, Britain etc. Let’s not forget, however, that it is not only the Morrison government that is culpable here.As Anthony Albanese has often remarked, “the Labor Party was at one with the government on this one.”
All the
Ugliness Comes Out
Assisted by the daily negative stories about socialistic China spread by the tycoon and government-owned media, the false impression that the Morrison regime created that COVID-19 was introduced into Australia by arrivals from China was a shot in the arm for those already filled with white supremacist prejudice. These boosted-up racists then proceeded to unleash a horrific wave of physical attacks, abuse and threats of violence against ethnic Chinese people throughout Australia. Other people of Asian background have inevitably also been targeted.
In the face of the Chinese government warning its tourists and international students of the danger of racist attack in Australia, the Morrison government has tried to greatly downplay the threat to Asian people posed by racist violence. For those living in fear of copping such attacks this is infuriating to even be denied recognition of what they are going through. Of course, the government, the ALP opposition and top bureaucrats earlier did manage to on a rare occasion state that they were “appalled” by reports of racist assaults. However, the government and the opposition knew full well that such attacks would be the inevitable result of their earlier insistence on singling out China in the application of travel restrictions and of their later crude attempts to join hard right bigot Trump in blaming China for the pandemic. Their behaviour can be compared to that of state governments throughout this country who help throw tens of thousands of people into homelessness by selling off low-rent public housing … but then try to look good by providing some modest funding for homelessness services!
If the powers that be wanted to they could let the tyres out of the far-right drive to incite hatred against Asian people. They could simply explain to people the facts about where COVID-19 actually entered this country from. However, although Morrison did on one day casually drop the truth that a lot of cases were coming from the U.S., politicians from all the parliamentary parties refused to inform the public what a tiny proportion of overseas-acquired cases originated from China. Of course, it should not matter what country a disease is transmitted from. Viruses do not carry passports! To blame any country or people for the entry of a virus is no more valid than blaming the people of a country through which a cyclone that entered Australia had previously passed. However, in the context of there being a terrifying level of racist violence against people of Chinese appearance and the prior existence of widespread bigotry in Australia against Asian people, explaining the truth that arrivals from China did not spread the virus into the community at all is vitally needed. Instead, Australian authorities moved to actually censor their own infographic that proved this fact. From the beginning of May, the Department of Health, without explanation, suddenly stopped showing on its website the pie chart, “confirmed cases who acquired COVID-19 overseas by region.” Although largely ignored by most of the mainstream media, the department had been publishing the chart daily up to that time. Moreover, a few days after they stopped showing the chart, the department obliterated the chart from its own archives so that it could no longer be found unless someone had earlier saved the exact web address of the infographic! It is very likely that the Australian regime censored its own previously published data because it undermined their attempts to blame China for the virus spread here (see: https://www.trotskyistplatform.com/australian-data-proves-chinas-pandemic-response-success/). An inevitable by-product of that censorship is that it helped extreme racists to fill the vacuum of facts with divisive lies.
Now more than ever, people need to be told the facts that stand out from the Australian regime’s censored infographic: that just 0.7% of all overseas acquired cases in Australia arrived from Sub-Saharan Africa, just over 2% from North Africa and the Middle East and just 7.5% from all of Asia, whereas seventeen out of every twenty cases entered from Europe, America or cruise ships. These facts need to be known because racist politicians, Rupert Murdoch’s Sky News and right-wing shock jobs have been disgustingly blaming Asian, African, Muslim and Middle Eastern communities for the renewed virus spread in Melbourne. The entire mainstream media have fed into this racist upsurge by selectively choosing to report on the source country of an infected returned traveller almost exclusively only when that person happens to arrive from Asia, the Middle East and Africa, which is only where a small minority of cases have arrived from. Victoria’s Labor health minister, Jenny Mikakos, was guilty of the same thing last month when she stated that many of the COVID-infected returned travellers had arrived from India, Pakistan and Bangladesh [51]. Had she ever bothered to inform us earlier that the overwhelming majority of returned travellers infected with the virus then were arriving from Europe and America?! And although the Victorian ALP premier, in deference to his party’s working class base, has framed his hard lockdown of public housing residents in heavily migrant areas as a measure aimed to protect tenants, the brutally repressive manner in which it was implemented was an obvious play to redneck elements and will surely encourage white supremacist sentiments. The reality of all of these coded and open appeals to racist prejudices is that the horrific violence and abuse that rednecks have unleashed against Chinese and other East Asian people throughout this pandemic is likely to now also be turned against people of African, Muslim, South Asian, Pacific Islander and Middle Eastern backgrounds.
Meanwhile, two weeks ago, the Australian ruling class focussed on attacking yet another scapegoat for the spike in COVID-19 infections. Health minister Hunt ridiculously claimed that the mass anti-racist protests held last month were to blame [52]. This despite his own top health official saying the very opposite [53]. It is not surprising that the Australian government would make this accusation. After all, despite Hunt’s devious claim that he thought the “subject matter” of the protests “noble”, these very necessary protests were aimed not only against killer cops but against his racist, right-wing government and against racist state governments of all stripes. The truth is that not only have just four people who attended the Black Lives Matter rallies been found to have COVID-19, none of these people actually picked up the virus at the protests. The Black Lives Matter marches were outdoor events where dispersal of droplets into open air reduces the probability of virus spread. Far more dangerous is the crowding of people into indoor shops, bars and restaurants. Yet while Liberal and ALP federal and state governments tried desperately to quell the anti-racist protests aimed against them, they have been cavalier in allowing people to again crowd into dangerous, virus-spreading indoor environments.
So as you can see, the oft-repeated assertion by governments and media that “Australians have come together at this time of crisis” is simply not true. To be sure, many working class people, especially trade unionists shaped by an understanding of the need for collective action and solidarity, have responded to the crisis by upholding pandemic suppression regulations and by volunteering their time to help neighbours in need. However, many a capitalist boss has failed to provide adequate PPE for their workers or otherwise ensure COVID-safe workplace environments. Moreover, as soon as business owners were hit with any loss in revenue, these bosses did not hesitate to lay off or cut the shifts of the very workers whose toil over the years made these capitalists their fortunes. Meanwhile, some self-employed tradies, imbued with the individualistic spirit of small business owners, have continued to do jobs when pandemic restrictions have been in place and have done so in a way that recklessly ignores social distancing directives.
The dog-eat-dog nature of the capitalist economic system has created a self-centred culture that shows its most harmful side at times like these. Many people in Australia violated coronavirus social-distancing rules. This included not only beach goers but often people of wealth and power. There were not only the super-rich people returning to Victoria infected from the U.S. Aspen high society party but also Australian defence soldiers [54] and officers and recruits of the Australian Federal Police [55] who grossly violated pandemic response measures. Of course, the media and parliamentarians never highlighted that most of those violators happened to be white-skinned. Nor should they. However, when they then only focus on the ethnicity of a person who breaches social distancing guidelines when that person happens to be a person of colour, then these influencers of public opinion are consciously acting to foment racist hostility to already victimized communities.
For United Working Class Struggle!
All the prejudice and selfishness within capitalist Australian society has certainly come to the fore during this pandemic. However, something very different has been on display too. This has been evident over the last few days in the way that our trade unions, the Australian Muslim Social Services Agency, the Sikh Volunteers Australia and other community groups have organised food and supplies for locked down public housing residents in Melbourne. Such mutual aid amongst working class people and victimised ethnic groups points to the possibility of something much more powerful: working class people and all the oppressed uniting in action to oppose the racist scapegoating, fight for the measures actually needed to curb the virus spread and struggle to ensure that working class people are not made to carry the economic burden of the pandemic.
Right now we must especially stand by our sisters and brothers locked down in Melbourne public housing towers by demanding:
Police out of the public housing neighbourhoods! Send in public health and community workers instead!
The same quality food for locked down public housing tenants as those given to the more affluent returned travellers who had been quarantined in five-star hotels.
For all locked down public housing tenants to be given the option of serving their quarantine in luxury five-star hotels with all expenses provided. Let them stay in more spacious, safer rooms! Let those forced into a hard lockdown enjoy good conditions instead of being stigmatised and forced to endure further hardship!
For all electricity and gas charges to be removed until the end of winter. Let tenants turn on their heaters in full so that they can open the windows and let infected air disperse safely.
No to discriminatory imposition of hard lockdowns on public housing tenants!
More broadly the workers movement and all our allies need to fight for:
Mandatory temperature testing of everyone attending workplaces of more than two people.
Paid pandemic sick leave for all workers (including those currently casuals) and the immediate conversion to permanency of all those currently employed as casuals.
Secure jobs for all workers. That means demanding firstly that those companies still profitable – including supermarkets, construction firms and manufacturers – be forced to increase hiring at the expense of their profits; and secondly that the owners of previously profitable companies that are experiencing reduced operations be forced to pay their workers in full out of the massive profits that they have leached from these workers over the years.
Such a program can only be won through mass struggle against the capitalist exploiters and their governments. To advance this struggle it is vital that we discredit the capitalist regime by exposing just how flawed and anti-working class has been their response to the pandemic. The fact is that especially given that this land is both an island and a country with a low population density, other than for those who caught the virus abroad and could not be saved once they entered here, there should have either been just a tiny handful of COVID-19 deaths here or none at all. That people are now dying in a virus second wave is caused by Australian governments winding back social distancing measures too quickly, in deference to their capitalist masters, by their all-round neglect of the health and housing needs of public housing tenants and by the inability of the profit-driven system to ensure sufficient PPE for frontline workers. The first wave, on the other hand, was mainly caused by the Australian regime delaying introduction of mandatory testing and quarantining of arrivals from Europe, America and cruise ships and they did this in order to ensure that, for as long as possible, the focus of travel bans would be on China.As a result of this manoeuvre to create fear of socialistic China amongst the population, the virus was allowed to be brought into the community from Europe, America and cruise ships in large doses in late February and March and spread dangerously from there on in. Australia’s capitalist rulers caused dozens of people to die who otherwise would have been alive today – including the nineteen residents who tragically died at the Anglicare nursing home in Western Sydney and the eleven people who perished from the Ruby Princess-triggered North-West Tasmanian outbreak. Those close to the people who died should be furious that their precious family members and friends perished because the Australian regime distorted health policy to meet its Cold War agenda. So should all the workers who have been retrenched or lost shifts because the pandemic has been allowed to spread into the community far more widely than it should have.
References
John M Barry, The site of origin of
the 1918 influenza pandemic and its public health implications, Journal of Translational Medicine, Vol. 2,
20 January 2004, https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC340389/#
Stop the Sell-Off of Public Housing – Massively Increase It Instead!
The Connection between Political Donations and the Sell-Off of Public Housing in Inner City Sydney
1 May 2019 – A look at the registry of political donations to the NSW Liberal Party shows that the governing party in NSW accepted donations from real estate companies just when government decisions related to these companies’ participation in the government’s sell-off of public housing in inner city Sydney were being made. In each case the rich businesses making the donations ended up getting favourable government decisions. Those decisions have resulted in their wealthy owners making or standing to make mega bucks. This information provides hard data that helps confirm what people seriously looking at the public housing sell-off already know: that the NSW government’s sell off of public housing in the Millers Point, Rocks and Dawes Point area was not motivated by any concern for the interests of the working class majority of NSW but instead was driven by the wish to satisfy the interests of rich business owners.
It is now over five years since the NSW state government announced that it was selling off nearly 300 public housing dwellings in the Millers Point, Rocks and Dawes Point area. Sadly they have already completed their sell-offs of public housing in Millers Point – except for 24 properties that they reluctantly agreed to maintain as public housing in a minor concession to the demands of the tenants movement. They are yet to sell-off the Sirius Building which formerly had 79 public housing units there. However, the government has already driven off all the former public housing tenants from that building – many of whom were elderly women. The real estate agents that the Coalition government have contracted to sell-off Sirius is Savills (NSW) Pty Ltd. On 7 December 2017, the NSW government and Savills first publicly announced that Savills had been awarded the contract to sell Sirius and opened registrations of interest for the building to developers and investors [1]. A filed Major Political Donor form shows that just over nine months earlier, on 27 February 2017 – that is, right in the period when one would expect the government to have been considering which real estate company should be given the contract to sell Sirius – Savills donated nearly $4,000 to the NSW Division of the Liberal Party [2]. The $3,960 donation was made at an “Alan Jones Luncheon” – yikes!
Savills and the NSW Liberal government would, no doubt, have liked to be able to respond that Savills are a regular donor and the timing of that nearly $4,000 donation is just pure coincidence. Except that Savills are not a regular donor to the NSW Liberal Party! Not at all! A search done on the NSW Electoral Commission registry of political donations [3] shows that in the almost ten year period from August 2008 – when political donations were first recorded in detail – until the end of June 2018 (i.e. the end of the last reporting period before this article was written), Savills never made any other donation to the NSW Liberal Party at all. In other words, over at least a ten year period, Savills never donated a solitary cent to the NSW Liberal Party, except around the time when the Liberal government was considering whether to grant them the lucrative contract to sell Sirius. That makes that nearly $4,000 donation highly questionable!
However, if the above referred donation did indeed facilitate Savills winning the contract to sell Sirius, it was a “good” “investment” from the greedy point of view of capitalist bosses. After all, with average commissions in Sydney at around roughly 2.2% and an expected sale price for the building of around $150 million, Savills would stand to make about $3.3 million from the sale. So, if a $3,960 donation helps to make $3.3 million in revenue … that’s some hefty rate of return! There is, additionally, an interesting side point to this donation concerning a possible attempt to conceal the timing of the donation – see Note [4] at the end of this article for a discussion of this possible issue.
Savills bosses are not the only people that stand to profit from the sell-off of public housing in the Millers Point and Rocks area and who made donations to the NSW Liberal Party. While Savills have the contract to sell the Sirius building, more than 85% of the $608 million worth of public housing in Millers Point was sold off by McGrath Real Estate [5]. And just like Savills, McGrath Real Estate also made big donations to the NSW Liberal Party just around the time when they were awarded lucrative contracts to auction the public housing units that the state government was putting up for sale. In particular, within the space of 10 days between 26 January 2015 and 6 February 2015, McGrath Real Estate entities made two separate donations to the NSW Liberal Party totalling $2,210 [6]. These donations were just around the time when the auction of public housing dwellings in Millers Point was being ramped up and the government was about to determine which estate agents received the bountiful contracts for further auctions (see for example [7]). Telling, too, are the results of a search done on the Electoral Commission registry for any McGrath Real Estate donations to the Liberal Party in the almost ten year period up until the June 2018 end of the latest reported disclosure period. This search revealed that McGrath entities made no other donations whatsoever to the NSW Liberal Party during those ten years. In other words, just as with Savills, the NSW Liberal Party only received donations from McGrath Real Estate around the time when they awarded the latter lucrative government contracts to be agents for the sell-off of inner city public housing. And again, this fact only makes the receipt of those particular donations even more questionable. Of course, from the point of view of the profit-hungry McGrath Real Estate bosses, donating to the governing party would make sense if that would help “facilitate” the winning of contracts to sell off the public housing. Assuming a typical commission rate of 2.2%, the contracts they were awarded to auction off Millers Point public housing would have netted them over $11 million in revenue.
Public Housing Sell-Off: A Boon for Real Estate Bosses, Developers and Speculators, A Disaster for Working Class People
It is not only real estate agent bosses that have profited handsomely from the sell-off of public housing in the Millers Point and Rocks areas of Sydney. The main direct beneficiaries of this anti-working class privatisation were the wealthy investors and speculators who bought up the sold off properties. One of these is Shane Moran, the owner of ultra-high-end aged care operator, Provectus Care. Shane Moran is one of the heirs to the Moran family fortune and lives in a 60-room mansion in Darling Point called Swifts which is valued at between $50 million to $100 million! In late February 2016, Moran bought one of the largest sold off public properties in Millers Point, Darling House, for $7.7 million. Darling House had been a retirement home for low income elderly people. However, soon after the government announced its intention to sell-off all public housing in Millers Point, it scrapped a 20 year agreement that enabled the community-run facility to have lower rents, forcing the facility to close. After buying the property, Shane Moran made no secret of his intention to turn the building into a high-end aged care facility for the rich [8]. A similar facility he runs at Rose Bay charges an upfront fee of more than $2 million for each resident and then a “service fee” of $104 per day! So what happened to Darling House actually typifies exactly what the sell-off of public housing in Millers Point is all about. Here, a community-run aged care home for low income people was closed and has been replaced by an aged care facility affordable only to the very wealthy and where its filthy rich owner will stand to make huge profits (by the way, there are questions to be asked about donations to the NSW Liberal Party made by an elder brother and possibly other relatives of Shane Moran – and possibly, again, by Shane Moran himself – in the five month period after he first publicly announced in September 2016 that he was applying for planning approval to turn Darling House into a high-end aged care facility – see [9]).
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The sell-off of public housing in inner city Sydney has been bad news for working class people full stop. Firstly, the forced relocation out of the area of the former public housing tenants has dispersed and destroyed a once close-knit and vibrant community. Many of the former tenants became despondent and some have died prematurely and even committed suicide (for a detailed scientific study of the effects of the sell-off on the former tenants refer to the recently published book by Professor at the UTS Institute for Public Policy and Governance, Alan Morris [10]).
Secondly, contrary to the NSW government’s devious claim that the inner city public housing sell-off was aimed at raising funds for the construction of more public housing elsewhere, the truth is that the sell-off of public housing in Millers Points and the Rocks was actually simplypart of a broader government agenda to slash the amount of public housing throughout the state. This is proven by official government figures (see Note [11]). They show that in the three year, 2014-2017 period [12] from when the removal of public housing tenants from Millers Point and the Rocks commenced to when the forced relocation of tenants from the area was basically completed, the number of public housing dwellings in NSW was cut by 584 dwellings! In other words, in addition to the 189 properties that were eventually sold off in Millers Point, a net further 395 public housing dwellings were sold off elsewhere in the state in just that three year period! So much for the government’s claim that for every public housing dwelling sold off in the inner city, it would finance the construction of four to five new public housing dwellings elsewhere! Indeed, as well as in Millers Point and the Rocks, the right-wing NSW state government has been privatising public housing in Parramatta, Hurstville, Greenacre, Panania, Campsie, Fairfield, Wentworthville, Lalor Park and Canley Vale.
The effect of this gouging of public housing is even worse when one takes population increase into account. In that case we see that relative to the population size, the NSW Liberal government has slashed the number of public housing places by an equivalent of 5,164 properties in just three years! This is despite the truth that higher immigration actually makes it easier for the government to not only increase the amount of public housing available but makes it easier for them to actually increase the proportion of public housing. This is because not only do immigrants, by paying taxes, increase the public funds available to finance public housing construction and increase the labour resources available to build public housing but by increasing population numbers they allow economies of scale to kick in and, thereby, make housing construction more efficient. The plummeting in the proportion of people with public housing has absolutely nothing to do with immigration but is, rather, a political decision by a wealthy ruling class that is driven by a desire to further increase its own fortunes at the expense of working class people.
With less and less low-rent housing available, no wonder more and more people are being forced to sleep out on the streets of Sydney. Among those finding it hardest to afford rents are low-income, single parent families with young children. Driven into poverty by the combined measures of the Howard Liberal and the Rudd-Gillard-Rudd Labor governments that threw low-income sole parents off the Parenting Payment and into the much lower paying Newstart Allowance and with childcare unaffordable, many of these parents are forced to seek work in insecure jobs in the gig economy or as casuals in order to have the flexible work hours needed to look after their children. This means that the number of work hours they get fluctuates from week to week and they are often not able to generate enough income to both pay rent and to properly feed and clothe themselves and their children. And the fact that wages are not keeping up with prices makes the housing situation of low income workers even more precarious. Meanwhile, one of the combined effects of the gutting of the sole parenting payment and the slashing of public housing is to increase domestic violence against women. For these measures mean that low-income women relying financially on a male partner who is abusive are confronted with the unbearable choice of either going out on their own and living an impoverished life without a guaranteed roof over their heads and those of their children or staying with their partner and trying to endure the attacks.
The drastic slashing in the proportion of public housing available, in the end, hurts all those renting in the lower and even middle range of the rental market. For with so little low-rent public housing available, landlords are able to jack up rents knowing that lower income people have nowhere else to go. Anglicare Australia’s annual Rental Affordability Snapshot released a few days ago showed that in a survey of 69,485 properties listed for rent across Australia, there was not one single available property that would be affordable to rent for a single person on Newstart or Youth Allowance in any major city or regional centre [13]! The survey also found that only 2 per cent of rentals Australia-wide were affordable for a single person on the minimum wage working full time. Rental accommodation is extremely unaffordable for low wage workers even if they live in working class neighbourhoods half an hour to 45 minutes by train from Sydney city. One such region is the Cumberland local government area which includes suburbs like Auburn, Berala, Guildford and Greystanes and parts of Granville, Merrylands and Fairfield. There, even according to the government’s own figures, the median rent for a one bedroom apartment was $345 per week in the December 2018 quarter [14]. This compares with an, after tax, minimum wage for those lucky enough to have a full-time job of $642 per week. In other words, one of the hundreds of thousands of workers on the minimum wage, but lucky enough to have a full-time job, who rents a one bedroom unit in a relatively cheap suburb some half to three quarters of an hour by train from Sydney city, has to pay much more than half their income on rent! Yet such a worker does not even qualify to get on the NSW social housing waiting list! The maximum income a single person can earn before being deemed too “well off” to qualify for social housing in NSW is currently only $625 per week [15]. The reality is that there is such a dearth of public housing that the government has made the eligibility criteria to even get on the social housing waiting list incredibly tough. Of course, if such a low paid worker does not have a full-time job they could get on the social housing waiting list. Yet they will then be totally stuffed as they end up having to pay around three quarters of their income on rent while they wait the average ten years or so to finally get into social housing!
Mobilise the Working Class Movement and All the Poor to Fight for Public Housing
Governments of all stripes in Australia have been selling off public housing for several related reasons. For one they want to help their rich developer, speculator and real estate boss mates. Secondly, they want to spend less and less of the public budget on the services that working class people need the most – like public housing, public health care, TAFE and public schools. These ruling class politicians would rather save the money to finance tax cuts for the very rich or spend the money on corporate welfare – like when the NSW Liberal state government granted $60 million to the job-slashing Bluescope Steel owners. Thirdly, the slashing of public housing is part of a push by the capitalist rulers to make life more and more miserable for unemployed and underemployed workers. They do this by not only reducing access to public housing but also by keeping the Newstart Allowance at cruelly low levels, introducing punitive schemes forcing unemployed people to do unpaid work and rolling out “income management” schemes that prevent unemployed people from determining how they will spend the meagre payments that they receive. The aims of all these draconian measures are two-fold. For one, by making life so hard for job seekers, they force the latter to accept jobs that have terrible working conditions and very low – often illegally low – wages. Additionally, by making the prospect of life after losing one’s job so unbearably miserable, the ruling class hope that they can intimidate workers – fearful of being sacked by the boss or being identified as one of the staunch unionists who will always be top of the bosses’ list to be axed in the event of retrenchments – from participating in the union fight for rights at work. That is why government attacks on public housing – like other measures which target the poor and unemployed – are very much assaults on our trade unions. And that is why the union movement must take up the struggle for public housing as a key part of the struggle to defend workers rights.
Current and former Millers Point public housing tenants and the many trade unionists and other supporters of public housing that stood by them did wage a determined struggle against the sell-off of public housing in the area. Their efforts did much to boost the broader on the streets movement in defence of public housing that had begun several years earlier when activists demanding a massive increase in public housing held a November 2009 protest rally outside the Sydney office of the then federal housing minister (in the then Rudd ALP government), Tanya Plibersek. From 2014 onwards, those supporting the Millers Point public housing struggle and those involved in already established campaigns for public housing based in the Illawara, Auburn and elsewhere started attending each other’s protest actions. And although the campaign did not end up being powerful enough to prevent the destruction of public housing in Millers Point it did invigorate budding pro-public housing campaigns elsewhere like the movement to stop the slashing of public housing in Waterloo.
With the situation increasingly desperate and with submissions to government bodies and other forms of “official” protest being ignored, the campaign turned militant in 2017. First, in May 2017, dozens of trade unionists, public housing tenants and other supporters of public housing blockaded 32 High Street in Millers Point to try and prevent the sheriff from evicting the then public housing tenant living there, staunch public housing activist, Peter Muller. The movement was able to hold the sheriff at bay for the first day but before dawn the next morning the sheriffs and police raided the home to enforce the eviction. Then on 6 August 2017, scores of trade unionists, current and former public housing tenants and other supporters of public housing carried out a powerful occupation of vacant public housing dwellings at 78 to 80 High St, Millers Point. Activists adorned the occupied homes with banners emphasising the struggle against the sell-off of public housing as well as with the flags of the unions supporting the Millers Point tenants’ struggle – the MUA and the CFMEU. Those houses had been slated for sell-off to wealthy speculators, landlords and capitalist developers after the government had driven off the public housing tenants who once lived there. The occupation demanded that the occupied houses and all unoccupied public housing dwellings in the area be given to the homeless or to those on public housing waiting lists. Later in the evening of the August 6 occupation, after numbers had dwindled somewhat five hours into the action, a heavy contingent of riot cops raided the occupation site. They also arrested four activists participating in the struggle.
Although heavy-handed state repression crushed this protest occupation and the earlier anti-eviction struggle at 32 High Street, both these actions – and the 6 August 2017 protest occupation in particular – really did scare the government. And although they are never going to admit it, these struggles almost certainly did compel the government to somewhat slow down their plans to slash public housing throughout the state compared to what they had been previously planning. We need more staunch struggles to stop the sell-off of public housing. We need new and more powerful versions of the May 2017 anti-eviction blockade and the August 2017 protest occupation. We must locate the fight against the privatisation of public housing as part of the wider struggle against the ruling class’ attacks on all public services and a struggle against their attacks on our trade unions.
We need to not only put a stop to the sell-off of public housing but need to fight for a massive increase in the amount of public housing. There is a huge shortfall in the amount of public housing places. In the ten year period from 2007 to 2017, the former NSW ALP government and the current conservative NSW government slashed the amount of public housing in the state by 10% even as the population grew [16]. There are well over fifty thousand households on the official waiting list for public housing in NSW. There are even more who are eligible for public housing but have not gotten on the list because the wait times are so ridiculous. Meanwhile, there are literally hundreds of thousands of other households who need low-rent public housing but can’t even get on the waiting list because the entry criteria to the waiting list is so strict.
What’s Most Harmful about these Political Donations?
We should not let anyone downplay the seriousness of the issue of the governing party in NSW accepting donations from real estate companies just when this government is making decisions related to these companies’ participation in the sell-off of public housing. From the standpoint of the interests of working class people, the most harmful thing about these donations is that they acted to place pressure upon the government to maintain its course to sell off the public housing. Put another way, accepting donations from those who had very direct vested interests in seeing the public housing privatisations go through made the Liberal Party less willing to back down and offer concessions in the face of the determined movement opposing the sell-off.
Secondly, the dodgy donations add to the stench of corruption that has surrounded NSW and its mainstream politicians. Let’s not forget that several ministers in this NSW Liberal government have already been forced to resign because of corruption-related actions, like improper receipt of “gifts” – not the least being former premier, Barry O’Farrell. And we all know about the corrupt activities of several influential members of the former ALP state government. Meanwhile, it is precisely in the property sector where corruption is most rife. The industry at its top is ridden with not only dubious links to politicians but is plagued with violent rivalries and connections to organised crime.
Thirdly, and most obviously, the donations were meant to influence government decisions on which real estate firms would be granted the lucrative contracts to auction/sell off the public housing properties. Notwithstanding that the entire sell-off was terribly harmful to the former tenants and to all working class people, the fact is that any improperly influenced government decision on who should conduct the property sales could mean a big loss to what is supposedly “public funds.” Say, for example that these donations to the Liberal Party enticed the government to accept a bid to conduct the sales from real estate companies that charged, say, a 0.3% higher commission than a rival bid that the government may have gone with. Given that the total sell-off is going to amount to around $750 million then that would mean that over $22 million ends up being lost from public funds; or, rather, transferred from the public budget to the bank accounts (and eventually the glitzy prestige cars and swank holiday mansions) of high-flying real estate bosses. With that $22 million how many badly needed extra public hospital beds could be provided? Or how many extra public housing dwellings could be made available?
This then leads to a still more crucial question? That is, aside from the fact that the entire sell-off was unjust and the donations by the real estate companies arranging the sales highly questionable, why should private businesses have been engaged in the sell-off at all? More fundamentally, why are private business owners allowed to profit from the government provision – and in this case sell-off – of public housing? The answer is that there is such a tiny public sector in this country – and much of the little that once did exist has been privatised by Liberal and ALP governments alike over the last three and a half decades – that there are few publicly owned operations set up to perform the required tasks. That is why from most levels of the construction work, to the provision of maintenance and repair of public housing, to, in this case, the sell-off of public housing, private businesses are getting contracts for work related to public housing. That means that public funds are flowing into the pockets of big corporate shareholders and other wealthy business owners. Herein is a key reason why the provision of public housing is so inadequate in Australia. In addition to anti-working class governments being unwilling to provide sufficient funds for public housing, the funds that are actually dispensed produce an inadequate number of dwellings because so much of the money ends up being skimmed off by private business contractors at every level.
For an Economy Based on Public Ownership of All Key Industries, Finance and Infrastructure
To highlight the problem here of so much of the funds allocated for public housing being siphoned off to wealthy private businesses, it is worth contrasting this reality in capitalist Australia with a socio-economic system based on public ownership and seeing how the latter delivers public housing. Such a system exists in the world’s most populous country – and Australia’s largest trading partner – the Peoples Republic of China (PRC). Although pro-market reforms over the last 40 years have created a sizable private sector in China as well as a class of capitalist exploiters, the public sector still plays the dominant role in the PRC. Some 90% of the PRC’s biggest 100 companies are stated owned, including all her biggest banks, her main oil/gas companies, biggest construction companies, ports, shipping, power producers, main airlines, biggest steel producers etc (and even many of her biggest real estate firms). As a result, every stage of public housing provision in China – from the banks providing finance if needed, to the construction companies building the housing to the steel, cement and plate glass manufacturers providing building supplies – is dominated by publicly owned enterprises. This means that, unlike in Australia, little of the public funds allocated for public housing ends up in the bank accounts of wealthy private business owners. Even if one of the state-owned banks providing credit for public housing construction were to charge too high an interest rate or a state-owned building materials supplier were to set too high prices, all this ends up as higher profits for state-owned firms and these profits then get recycled back into the public budget … to be available for more public housing construction. This is why the PRC has been so spectacularly able to increase the amount of public housing in the country over the last decade or so. From 2008 to 2017, the PRC provided 64 million additional public housing dwellings in urban areas! As a result, while the proportion of people with access to public housing in Australia’s urban areas has fallen to just one in every thirty households, in the PRC’s urban areas around one in four people now are living in one of its various forms of public housing.
Of course, since a system based on public ownership of key sectors of the economy – that is a socialist system – favours working class people, the capitalist rulers are not going to allow such a system to arise without putting up tenacious resistance. Indeed, such a socio-economic system can only be secured if the working class sweep away the capitalists from power and erect their own workers state. In China, the toiling classes had to make a massive revolution in 1949 to enable her to build a system in which public ownership plays the backbone role. Not only does this socialistic system mean that funds allocated for public housing are actually used for this purpose rather than partially for enriching private capitalists, the fact that working class people – in a tenuous and fragile way to be sure – have control over the PRC state means that there is actually a political will to provide public housing in China. The main slogan of the PRC’s housing policy is: “Houses are for living in and not for speculation.” As a result, while public housing continues to be sold off here in Australia, in the PRC the campaign to provide public housing continues to surge forward. Last year, China’s southern metropolis of Shenzhen decreed that from then onwards at least 60% of all new housing in the city must be public housing [17]. The PRC authorities went further when setting the housing policy for the Xiongan New Area – the new city of 5 million people being built 100 km from Beijing. There the PRC has decreed thatevery single house in what they have deemed to be a model city for the future must be public housing [18].
Another reason why the PRC’s socialistic state has been able to successfully undertake its drive to increase public housing is because it and the PRC public sector enterprises’ Communist Party of China committees – that have decisive oversight power over such companies – compel the leaders of state-owned enterprises to meet such social goals. In other words, the bonuses and future promotion opportunities of the directors and CEOs of China’s public sector enterprises depend on how well they have met declared socially important targets – like increasing the amount of public housing and like the main goal that has been dominating PRC political life over the last few years, the drive to ensure that no person in that country is living in extreme poverty by 2020. As a result, while the bosses of Australian banks will use any means necessary to satisfy their big shareholders’ demands for ever high profits, in the PRC the banks are falling over themselves to lend to public housing projects. Figures show that in China’s capital city, Beijing, in the first half of last year, two out of every three yuan of bank loans for real estate went into public housing development [19]. The same imperatives are also pushing the PRC’s big state-owned developers. Thus, for example, Beijing Investment Group, the state-owned builder and operator of Beijing’s Olympic village for the 2022 Winter Olympics has declared that the entire village will be turned into public rental housing at the completion of the 2022 Winter Olympics [20]. All this is why the struggle for public housing in Australia is intertwined with the broader fight here for a system based on public ownership under workers’ rule.
What the Donations Made to the NSW Liberal Party Say about “Democracy” in Capitalist Australia
The fact that the NSW Liberal Party only received donations from the two real estate companies around the time when they awarded these companies lucrative government contracts and never received donations from them at any other time over at least the last ten years highlights the reality of who is really running this country: it is not actually the politicians themselves but the rich business owners. When you see who are the biggest political donors to the major political parties you see how much influence these capitalist business owners have. Among the biggest donations to the Australian Liberal Party for 2017-2018 (the last year that donations have been publicised) [22] include $250,000 from the ANZ Bank, $110,000 from oil and gas giant Woodside and $150,000 from the trust account of Australia’s richest family, the Pratt family, owners of Visy cardboard. During the same period, the ANZ Bank and Woodside also made donations of identical size to the ALP and Macquarie Telecom donated over $105,000 to the ALP [23].
It is not only through donations to political parties that rich capitalists control the direction of Australia. They also use direct political advertising to push their agenda when they need to. Most infamously, in 2010 mining billionaires Gina Rinehart and Andrew Forrest as well as other wealthy corporate bosses ran a massive advertising campaign on commercial TV and major newspapers that successfully gutted a proposed tax on mining super-profits and helped bring down the then prime minister who promoted the tax, Kevin Rudd. More subtly but just as insidiously, capitalist tycoons donate a fraction of the massive profits that they exploit out of workers’ labour to various arts, entertainment and sporting causes to ensure that popular culture is in accord with their interests and to curry favour with the public.
Notoriously, corporations also hire expensive lobbyists to influence political decision making. They especially seek out former politicians to ensure that their lobbyists have close contacts with the political administrators of the state. Moreover, because the corporate elite control the economy they are able to ensure that politicians eager for lucrative post-politics jobs in the corporate world dutifully serve the corporate bigwigs whilst they are still in parliament. All these different means of control and manipulation of politics was used, for example, by billionaire James Packer’s Crown Corporation to ensure that laws and regulations that could have curbed its plan to build an exclusive hotel/casino resort at Sydney’s Barangaroo melted away [24]. Amongst the board of directors of Crown at the time was former Minister of Communications in the Howard government, Helen Coonan. Packer also employed former ALP heavies Mark Arbib and Karl Bitar as lobbyists for his casino project. Meanwhile on 12 November 2013, the very eve of the day that the NSW parliament rammed through special amendments to the Casino Control Act specifically to support Crown’s Barangaroo project, Packer ostentatiously announced a $60 million donation to various Sydney arts, theatre, opera and orchestra institutions by both his Crown Group and himself personally. All this has much relevance to the sell-off of public housing in the Millers Point area. As was strongly implied by a statement in October 2012 by the then NSW Finance Minister himself, part of what was driving the government’s (then proposed) sell-off was the need to not have working class people in the area “in the context” of ensuring that the wealthy clientele who will frequent the resort that Packer expects to make billions from do not have a “bad view” [25].
Then there is of course the reality that, from Rupert Murdoch to billionaire Channel Seven owner Kerry Stokes, the media is owned and thus controlled by capitalist moguls. Thus, media reporting is heavily biased towards the interests of the big end of town. Any political party that stands uncompromisingly for the interests of working class people would face massive attacks from the mainstream media not to mention from direct advertising from big business and from the numerous cultural organisations and NGOs directly and indirectly financed by the capitalists. That is why the mythical “one person one vote” that supposedly exists in Australia is in reality more like “one million dollars, one million votes”! And it is not that “democracy in Australia has flaws” or even that “it is broken.” Thus far real “democracy” has never existed in the post-1788 history of this country. Ever since Aboriginal people were murderously dispossessed by the new colonial ruling class, the system the latter established was never meant to give everyone an equal say: the figment of “democracy” was always only ever intended to enable the wealthy rural and urban business owners to hold real power while tricking the masses into believing that they are really in control.
Even if a party that genuinely stood for the interests of working class people were able to overcome all the bias and disadvantage it would face and get elected to office, that in itself would not bring about decisive change. This is because the state machinery and its personnel that such a government would then formally administer are itself tied by a thousand threads to the big end of town capitalists. We have seen this throughout the sell-off of public housing in inner city Sydney itself. Bureaucrats from Family and Community Services showed a high-handed attitude to the tenants that they were putting pressure on to relocate. The judges in the rental tribunals hearing cases of tenants objecting to the particular places they were being pushed to move into were unsympathetic. Meanwhile, when police raided the 6 August 2017 protest occupation in Millers Point they were not only “following orders” but seemed to enjoy repressing the pro-working class, pro-public housing action. The police inspector in charge threatened violence against protesters shortly before the raid:
“… if these police have to go in, it’s a contact sport. They will be looking to protect themselves and if someone is injured as a result of them ensuring their safety – unfortunately it does happen.”
When police then forcibly dragged the evicted public housing tenant, Peter Muller, from the front of the occupied building, they used unnecessary force and caused permanent injury to his left wrist which now hampers his work as an electrician. Furthermore, after seizing another activist that they arrested (who happens to be a Trotskyist Platform supporter) and dragging him around the corner away from the view of other protesters (other than for a previous arrestee who witnessed the events from inside the back of a police paddy wagon), policed proceeded to bend his wrist back painfully for extended periods, on at least two occasions, even though he was offering zero resistance at the time. Indeed this violent police operation had such little legal basis that these two activists after pleading Not Guilty to charges had their charges quashed by a magistrate after she found that the entire police raid was unlawful.
The fact is that the enforcement personnel of Australian state institutions have been recruited, trained, nurtured and shaped to serve the interests of the wealthy big property owning class over those of the working class masses. That is why any elected political party that in any meaningful way intends to serve working class interests would immediately face sabotage and non-compliance from the state organs that it has been elected to nominally head. Such a party would then face two options: to either back down on its agenda (which is what usually happens) or to try and continue in which case it would be overthrown by the state organs in a coup as happened to the elected leftist government of Salvador Allende in Chile in 1973. That is why the road to winning improvements in the lives of working class people lies not through changes enacted by Australia’s “democratic institutions” but through mass struggle – union strikes, picket lines, street marches, blockades, protest occupations – the methods that have won us the gains that we have won here in the past. We, of course, do need a political party of the working class. But not one that, like the ALP, seeks to administer the “democratic system” but rather one that seeks to mobilise the masses in grass-roots struggle independently of all the capitalists and their state institutions with the aim of winning concessions from the capitalist enemy today and seizing state power tomorrow.
Working Class People Need a Party That No Capitalist Would Want to Donate to
Although the ALP, just like the Liberals, receives donations from corporations and their capitalist owners, the ALP is not identical to the Coalition parties. The ALP also receives big donations from our trade unions – that is, from working class organisations representing millions of workers. And while the membership of the Liberal Party is dominated by small and big-time capitalist exploiters of labour as well as yuppy wanna-be capitalist business owners, the ALP’s rank and file are largely working class people. The problem, however, is that the ALP’s program to “serve” its working class base is to try and make only small reforms that will not overly upset the capitalists. Although the ALP is prepared to irritate some big end of town high fliers, they still crave the latter’s overall acceptance. Intimidated by and refusing to challenge the capitalist power that thoroughly dominates Australian society, the ALP is determined to ensure that they do not face excessive opposition from the big end of town so that they will be able to administer the capitalist state in an orderly fashion when in government. We see this in the lead up to the upcoming federal elections. The ALP has promised some small worthwhile measures to improve dental care for pensioners financed in part by cracking down somewhat on negative gearing tax concessions for wealthy property speculators. But they refuse to support any increase whatsoever in public housing. Instead, they have an “affordable housing for renters” platform that will only provide a drop in the ocean of the amount of lower rent accommodation that is needed, will only guarantee a rent level that is just 20% below the exorbitant market rents and which is centred on a Liberal Party-like plan to give subsidies to private housing operators [26]. Indeed, this shabby “affordable housing” program is very similar to that of the NSW Liberal Berejiklian government!
Since it has no program to challenge capitalist power, large sections of the corporate elite including the banks, telecommunications firms and resource companies continue to accept the ALP (even as some hard right-wing sections of the ruling class like the Murdoch family are at the moment against Labor) to the point that they even make large donations to the ALP. Such a party should not be supported by working class people in any way. We need, instead, a workers party that will not limit its program to what is tolerated by the capitalists. Such a party not only fights today for a massive increase in public housing and for forcing bosses to, at the expense of their profits, increase their hiring of permanent workers but has a vision for a future socialist society that will guarantee not only secure jobs for all but will ensure that all the basic services that working class people need the most – public housing, aged care, 24 hour child care, public health and dental care, public schools, TAFE and universities and public transport – are available to all for free. Such a party seeks not to win the acceptance of the capitalists but, instead, seeks to mobilise the working class masses in struggle against the exploiting class with a view to preparing a fight to challenge capitalist power. Such a party would not only refuse to accept donations from corporate bigwigs, it would also be a party that no capitalist exploiter in their right mind would want to donate to.
[4] Although the Major Political Donor form filed by Savills lists the donation as being made on 27 February 2018 (see: http://searchdecs.elections.nsw.gov.au/Documents/FD2018-158.pdf), the donation is listed in the earlier 1/07/2016 to 30/06/2017 disclosure period (http://searchdecs.elections.nsw.gov.au/Details.aspx?EFID=a0S6F00000mIUUsUAO&ID1=0016F000028XgSbQAK&RPID=2017H1). That 1/07/2016 to 30/06/2017 disclosure shows that the Savills donation was actually made in February 2017 and not February 2018. This seems correct as the declaration was made on 21 September 2017, i.e. well before the February 2018 date that the Savills major political donor form lists the donation as being made. Moreover, the Receipt Number of the donation tallies with a donation made in February 2017 and not February 2018. So an “error” has been made by either a Savills officer or a Liberal Party official by detailing in the Major Political Donor form the donation as being made a year later than it actually was. In of itself this is not a huge deal. From the aspect of our key point that Savills made a big donation to the NSW Liberal Party around the time period when the latter party in government was awarding it the lucrative contract to sell Sirius, it matters little whether the donation was actually made in late February 2017 or late February 2018 – i.e. either eight and a bit months before the announcement that Savills had been awarded the contract or two and a bit months after the announcement. What does matter is if there has been a conscious attempt to conceal the timing of the donation. In particular, what if either Savills or the Liberal Party deliberately made a “clerical error” and put the date of the donation as February 2018 rather than February 2017 to ensure that the donation appears to have been made after the government announced that Savills had been awarded the Sirius sale contract rather than being made in the period when the government decision about the Sirius contract was being considered. Now we do not have any concrete evidence to say that this is what actually happened. However, given all the corruption that has taken place in NSW, the deviant processes that have surrounded the inner city public housing sell-off and the associated regulatory approvals of James Packer’s luxury casino-hotel resort at Barangaroo and the dodgy context of the Savills donation itself, we would not be surprised if the apparent incorrect dating of the Savills donation is more than just an innocent clerical error. Of course, regardless of whether or not there has been a conscious attempt to conceal the donation’s timing, the key broader overall point stands: that the NSW Liberal Party accepted a nearly $4,000 donation from Savills around the time when it would have been considering whether to grant that real estate business the multi-million dollars’ worth contract to sell the Sirius building.
[9] There were donations made by an elder brother and possibly other relatives of Shane Moran – and possibly Shane Moran himself – to the NSW Liberal Party in the five month period after he first publicly announced in September 2016 that he was applying for planning approval to turn the Darling House that he bought as part of the Millers Point privatisations into a high-end aged care facility. Firstly, in two donations made on 5 September 2016 and 25 September 2016, Moran Australia (Residential Aged Care) Pty Ltd run by Shane Moran’s brother, Peter Moran, donated a total of $2,000 to the NSW Liberal Party (http://searchdecs.elections.nsw.gov.au/Documents/FD2017-3968.pdf). Then on 22 November 2016, a further $2,000 was donated by a Shane Moran (http://searchdecs.elections.nsw.gov.au/Details.aspx?EFID=a0S6F00000qI37YUAS&ID1=0019000000twe3RAAQ&RPID=2017H1). However, we are unable to be sure whether this Shane Moran who is listed as “Shane Michael Moran” is the same Shane Moran as the one who bought Darling House given that the address listed with the donation is different to the address of the Swifts mansion that the Shane Moran who bought Darling House is known to live in (although he may well have multiple addresses that he uses). If it is not the same Shane Moran, it could however be a cousin, nephew or uncle. Then on 24 February 2017, one Matthew John Moran donated $5,500 to the NSW Liberal Party in the single biggest donation to the party by an individual that financial year (http://searchdecs.elections.nsw.gov.au/Details.aspx?EFID=a0S6F00000qI37YUAS&ID1=0019000000twe3RAAQ&RPID=2017H1). This may possibly be a donation by a cousin, nephew or uncle of Shane Moran but we can’t be sure. What is striking is that each of these “Moran” entities who made donations to the NSW Liberal Party in late 2016-early 2017 – Moran Australia (Residential Aged Care) Pty Ltd, Shane Michael and Mathew John Moran – made no other donations to the NSW Liberal Party in the last ten years except during this brief period soon after Shane Moran happened to start seeking approval to convert Darling House into a high-end aged care facility. And there were no other donations made by any other person with a Moran surname to the NSW Liberal Party in this ten-year period either. It is, however, possible that the donation made by Shane Moran’s brother’s company, Moran Australia (Residential Aged Care) Pty Ltd, and donations by others who were possibly in the same family/extended family was more about protecting one or more of the several sets of aged care businesses owned by Moran siblings from scrutiny in the light of the emerging scandal in Australia over the quality and price of aged care residences and of elder abuse in aged care homes. Given this uncertainty over the purpose of the donations and uncertainty over the exact identities of all the donors with a Moran surname we chose not to include this material in the main body of the article but detail it here for other activists, researchers and journalists to follow through on in the future.
[12] The year 2018 was not included in the comparison because in that year the statistical method used by the NSW government was changed and public housing figures from that year onwards included dwellings identified for disposal or leased to community organisations. Note d in Table 18A.3 in the above reference states that: “PH [Public Housing] and SOMIH [State Owned and Managed Indigenous Housing] data from 2017-18 include dwellings identified for disposal and dwellings leased to a community organisation. These dwellings are excluded from data for previous years ….” This change in statistical method artificially inflated 2018 public housing numbers respective to those in previous years.
[18] Elizabeth Winkelman (translated Amber Yang), Australia China Business Circle, China’s Xiongan New Area to Receive 2 trillion yuan ($385 billion) Investment over the next 15 years, http://www.business-circle.com.au/en/?p=3545 (retrieved 25 April 2019)
[22] Australian Electoral Commission website, Summary of Donations reported by Donors – By Party – 2017-18, Registered Party, Liberal Party of Australia, https://periodicdisclosures.aec.gov.au/SummaryDonor.aspx (retrieved 25 April 2019)
[23] Australian Electoral Commission website, Summary of Donations reported by Donors – By Party – 2017-18, Registered Party, Australian Labor Party (ALP), https://periodicdisclosures.aec.gov.au/SummaryDonor.aspx (retrieved 25 April 2019)
The following leaflet advocating a militant, class struggle strategy to stop the sell-off of public housing has been distributed at actions for public housing, trade union rallies and in working class suburbs. By March 2018, nearly all the remaining public housing tenants in the Millers Point, Rocks and Dawes Point area have now been driven out of their homes. However, through determined action it can still be possible to save many of the homes in the area for public housing before they are all sold off to wealthy developers and speculators and re-occupied.
NSW Government resorts to Gestapo-like Tactics, Smashing Windowsto Evict a Public Housing Tenant but the Powerful Union-ledStruggleAgainstSocial“Cleansing”inSydneyCityisFarfromOver
Stop the Privatisation of Public Housing throughout Australia
27 July 2017: On 10 May 2017 around ten to fifteen sheriffs, police and high-level bureaucrats raided a terrace house at 32 High Street, Millers Point. They invaded the inner Sydney home through the back entrance and then crashed their way into the dwelling after smashing through a window. So, what was the target that required such huge “enforcement” resources? Was it a raid on one of the many filthy, rich business owners who illegally dodge tax, bribe government officials or otherwise break their own system’s rules? Not a chance! This raid was perpetrated in order to evict a hard-working, working-class, public housing tenant from his residence so that the dwelling could be sold off to some, clearly, very rich person.
At the time of the 6:20am raid, the tenant, electrician Peter Muller, had already left for his 5am shift at work. However, the Gestapo-style raid saw authorities threaten with arrest several of his supporters who had courageously stayed in the dwelling to protect him. The invading authorities threw out Peter’s supporters, ransacked the place and impounded Peter’s property. They changed the locks and bolted up windows so zealously that, to this date, they have been able to enforce this eviction.
For over three years, the NSW Liberal state government has been putting massive pressure on public housing tenants in the Millers Point, Rocks and Dawes Point area to leave their community so that their homes could be sold off to wealthy buyers – often developers or property speculators. Among those recently forced to move is an Aboriginal sovereign woman who had waited decades to get public housing in the area and is now being booted off the land that her people belong to. Meanwhile, a large number of those people forced to leave are now distraught – and even suicidal – at having to split up from a close knit, working class community. As Peter Muller aptly put it to his supporters when speaking of the NSW government: “I feel that there’s something going wrong that you can actually socially cleanse an entire class of working people just to sell it for cash to their developer mates.” And so that no one gets diverted by the false bogey about foreign investors being to blame, it is important to stress that all the buyers of sold-off public housing are rich local Australians as foreigners are banned from purchasing existing homes in Australia.
Public housing in the area originally housed maritime workers who worked in the nearby docks. Many of the tenants who are being forced out are descendants of these workers. Over 110 years ago, public housing in the area was fought for and won in a determined struggle by unions for decent, affordable housing close to their work opportunities. Although, since the 1960s, state authorities have tried to drive out working class tenants from the area, action by the Builders Labourers Federation trade union and other unions in the 1970s thwarted their plans. However, the big end of town have continued to be relentless in their drive to socially “cleanse” the city of working class people.
Nevertheless, when Peter Muller was given a notice to be evicted, the hard core of remaining tenants in the area said: enoughis enough. They said they will tolerate no more evictions. These remaining public housing tenants in the area – as well as ex-tenants who have already been forced out – and their many supporters drew a line in the sand by resisting the eviction at 32 High Street. With their enthusiastic backing, Peter Muller, a proud Electrical Trades Union (ETU) member and activist in support of public housing, refused to leave his Millers Point residence after being ordered to leave his home. On May 9, on the day the sheriff was to evict him, a powerful action by up to 100 trade unionists, current and former Millers Point tenants and other supporters of public housing blocked the sheriff from evicting Peter. Trade union contingents from the Maritime Union of Australia, CFMEU construction workers union and ETU provided crucial social power and collectivist working class organisation to the action. Participants in the mobilisation openly performed arms-linked, picket line drills to practice resisting the expected incursion by the sheriff. In the face of this mass action, the sheriff first postponed his eviction “appointment” and then cancelled it.
By resisting his own eviction, Peter Muller with the remaining public housing tenants in the area and their many supporters were landing a blow for the struggle to reverse the social “cleansing” of working class people from the city. Together, we were also advancing the wider fight to stop the privatisation of public housing that is taking place throughout Australia. That is why among those participating in that day’s mobilisation were public housing tenants from several other areas including a contingent from Waterloo and individuals from Surry Hills to as far away as Villawood. In response to the May 9 mobilisation, the ruling class authorities and their media attempted to discredit and isolate the struggle by, disgustingly, attacking Peter Muller personally. Both a statement released by the NSW Department of Family and Community Services (FACS) and a government spokesman claimed that Peter was not eligible for public housing because he was working and had some land in country NSW. The sole purpose of this deliberately misleading government spin is to mask the issue at stake: that public housing meant for working class people was being sold off to wealthy developers, speculators and landlords. Furthermore, as Barney Gardner, the leader of the area’s public housing group pointed out, the part share in a property that Peter has is “just a block of dirt in the bush” with no electricity or running water. Peter could not live there because it is hundreds of kilometres from his work in Sydney. The only dwelling there is a tin shed. TheywantPetertoliveina rough shed hundreds and hundreds of kilometres fromhisworkplace! As for the fact that Peter is now working, when public housing tenants find work that pushes them above the threshold for initial entry into the waiting list, they are normally allowed to remain in their dwelling but then pay a higher rent. Indeed, a significant proportion of public housing tenants relocated into other public housing dwellings are people in this category. After all, a major part of the stated aim of public housing is precisely to give low-income people the stability and security of affordable housing that would make it easier for them to obtain a job that could lift their incomes – not to punish those low-wealth people lucky enough to find work. In this case, however, because the state authorities are so determined to drive out public housing tenants from Millers Point, they have used Peter’s employment as a pretext to kick him out of public housing … and into homelessness! What makes this all the more despicable is that Peter’s job working as an electrician through a labour hire firm does not give him a steady or regular flow of work at all. He is, thus, a low- income worker whose livelihood is precarious and uncertain. And now he has been made homeless as well!
For the state government and top bureaucrats to question Peter Muller’s eligibility for public housing is the very height of cynicism. After all, they are not booting him out of his home to give it to another public housing tenant. They are doing it so they can sell the house to a rich developer or speculator or landlord! Yet, by masking their true agenda and by portraying the struggle against the 32 High St eviction as one counterposed to the interests of those on public housing waiting lists, the NSW authorities felt they could get away with the following morning’s Gestapo-style raid.
The deceit and aggression that the NSW government and state authorities unleashed against Peter Muller and his supporters is what they have also used, in different forms, to drive out many other public housing tenants in the area. However, with the remaining ten to fifteen dwellings where public housing tenants remain, NSW authorities will not be able to muddy the waters by deviously claiming a technicality to justify evicting tenants as they did with Peter. The remaining tenants are pensioners – mostly single women in their 60s, 70s, 80s and in one case 90s. The authorities have accepted that they are all fully eligible public housing tenants and have “offered” them “alternate” public housing accommodation outside the area. However, these tenants are reluctant to move because they don’t want to see the end of the friendly, working class community that they have been part of building and don’t want to be forced out of the area – which many of them have lived in for decades – just for the sake of the rich. Furthermore, several of the people have serious illnesses and used to rely on support networks in the area to provide them with care and companionship. Most of all, they are reluctant to move into public housing dwellings that could have been given to people on the waiting list when they could, instead, remain in their own public housing residences rather than seeing these houses sold off to rich developers and speculators.
Yet the remaining public housing tenants have been put under intense pressure. In some cases, bullying bureaucrats have been deliberately rude and overbearing towards elderly tenants. In the Sirius Building, where two brave elderly single women remain, the authorities have placed security guards in the building to ramp up the pressure on them. Although the stated rationale for this measure is to protect the tenants, the guards are really there to restrict solidarity visits and actions in support of the tenants and to further isolate them. Thus, the guards have stopped and questioned friends of the tenants when they walked into the building with the tenant. In at least one case, they even demanded to inspect what one tenant brought home from a shopping trip! As one of the tenants put it, she feels like she is being imprisoned. Meanwhile, the housing bureaucrats continue to use their favourite trick: refusing or delaying repairs in order to make life so miserable for the tenants that they acquiesce to leaving. Recently after a fault caused hot water to be cut off in the Sirius Building, the authorities waited 13 days to fix the simple problem. In fact, the authorities here have shown the same contempt for public housing tenants and the same reluctance to listen to their concerns as the governments, councils and Grenfell Tower management did leading up to the unspeakable tragedy of London’s horrific Grenfell Tower fire.
Under immense pressure, some of the remaining elderly tenants in the area, aware of their own age and physical illnesses – and facing severe loneliness with most of their neighbours having already been pushed out – have very reluctantly accepted being relocated. The bureaucrats are putting pressure upon many of these tenants to wear being “relocated” to places quite far from their current locations. The government has never honoured the promise that they made, when they first announced that they were considering the complete sell-off of public housing in the area in late 2012, that “residents would be moved within the city.” (http://www.smh.com.au/nsw/residents-stick-to-their-point-of-community- 20121025-288bh.html) Many of these tenants are also battling to ensure that the new places that they are relocated to are suitable. But even here the cruelty of the authorities does not stop. They have in several cases dismissed the health needs of often physically fragile tenants – like the need for dwellings without many stairs in their entrances – when pushing them to accept particular relocations. Meanwhile, the tribunals hearing disputes between the tenants and the authorities have, like the rest of the courts in Australia, proven themselves to be rich people’s courts that are hostile to the needs of working class tenants.
Even as the number of remaining public housing tenants in the Millers Point, Rocks and Dawes Point area dwindles, the struggle to stop the sell off of public housing there is far, farfromover. For many of the vacated dwellings have still not been sold off and still less been occupied. This means there is still time – albeit not very much – to intensify the struggle and, thereby, stop and, indeed, reverse the sell-offs. Crucially, more and more trade unionists, leftists and other supporters of public housing are becoming energised around the campaign. They have seen, too, how powerful the blockade was that kept the sheriff at bay on the first day of the struggle at 32 High St. The core group of people that were involved in that struggle are now more determined than ever. If key lessons from the defeat of that battle are drawn, the coming struggles can be much more effective.
Sell-off of Millers Point and Sirius Is Part of the Ruling Class Agenda to Privatise Public Housing
The NSW state government is lying through their teeth when they say that they are selling off public housing in the inner city to fund public housing elsewhere. We know this because they are actually selling off public housing across the state – left,rightandcentre! Even if the government’s claims were actually true, which they are definitely not, the whole rationale behind their sell-off agenda is anti-working class. Why should public housing have to be self-financed? Why should any new provision of public housing have to come from the sell- off of public housing elsewhere? Like public hospitals, public schools, childcare, TAFE and universities, public housing is a necessity for working class people and for all of society that ought to be provided as a right. Consider how bogus a government would sound if it claimed that in order to build badly needed new public hospitals in Western Sydney it said it had to sell off to private operators the crucial public hospitals in inner city Sydney – like RPA and St Vincents!
The moves towards “self-financing” of public housing are, indeed, part of the ruling class drive to make basic services – including healthcare and education – increasingly “user pays.” Jacking up TAFE and university fees is part of this agenda. According to the “values” of the capitalist rulers, all the services that working class people need ought to be “user pays” but all the budget items that they, the capitalists, need to keep themselves in power should come out of general revenue from taxes. Thus, none of the pro-capitalist political parties call for the massive government outlays for the organs of anti-working class repression – the police, courts, prisons and military – to be self-financed. Meanwhile, the huge and ever- increasing budget which the ruling class gives to ASIO to spy on us is certainly not “self-financed” by the spies themselves. And neither is their ABCC body which was created to attack our unions in the construction industry.
The spin that the Liberal state government is weaving for Millers Point and Sirius Building tenants – that the government needs to forcibly relocate them from their homes to finance public housing elsewhere – they are also spinning to public housing tenants elsewhere when they sell-off their homes too! For example, this is what they have been telling public housing residents in the Bulli-Woonona-Bellambi area north of Wollongong. Yet no one has seen the additional public housing dwellings because they simply don’t exist! The fact is that from Minto to Claymore to Bonyrigg to Glebe to the Illawara, Millers Point and Waterloo, state and federal governments of all stripes have overseen the slashing of public housing stock. Even a Senate inquiry admitted that from 2006 to 2013, even as the population grew, governments cut the number of public housing dwellings in Australia by 13,000. It is notable that this erosion in public housing has occurred during a period that spans the Howard Liberal government, two Rudd ALP governments, a Gillard-led ALP/Greens de-facto coalition government and the present conservative government. All the current parliamentary parties have been guilty of undermining public housing.
NSW governments have been among the worst in terms of selling off public housing. Official government figures show that in the twelve years up until June 2015 (the latest period that figures have been published for), state governments in NSW have slashed the amount of public housing by 12% (Shelter NSW, NSW housing: a factsheet, updated November 2016, https://shelternsw.org.au/sites/shelternsw.org.au/files/public/documents/fly1610factsheet- nsw_shelternsw5a.pdf). This is even as the state’s population has grown by 15% in the same period. In other words, in a 12 year period, NSW governments – both the previous ALPgovernmentuptoMarch2011andthe Liberal-National coalition since then – have slashedthe number of public housing dwellings per resident by almost a quarter. No wonder homelessness is on the rise!
It is important to note that this government slashing of the amount of public housing in NSW has continued even after the conservative regime first mooted the complete privatisation of public housing in Millers Point in 2012 and even after they began the forced relocations and sell-offs in 2014. In other words, their claim that this is all about financing additional public housing construction elsewhere is just onebigfatlie. Indeed, if anything, the reduction in public housing across Sydney seems to be accelerating. A report in the TheSydneyMorningHerald (24 April 2016), titled, “The great public housing fire sale continues despite worsening affordability crisis” reveals that in the first three and a half months of last year alone, over $54 million in public housing was sold off to private buyers – even if one excludes the sell-offs in Millers Point and Glebe! And this sell-off is not just in the inner city. The main areas that they are selling off public housing in – in addition, of course, to the Millers Point, Rocks and Dawes Point area – include Parramatta, Hurstville, Greenacre, Panania, Campsie, Fairfield, Wentworthville, Lalor Park and Canley Vale.
Recently, especially with study after study showing that not only is housing too expensive for the masses but that rents in Australia are thoroughly unaffordable, governments have been under pressure to show that they are addressing this housing crisis. Thus, they have started to claim that they are committed to “social housing.” However, here they play a neat trick with words. Social housing refers not only to public housing but also to privately-run, “community housing.” In the latter, both nominally not-for-profit as well as profit-seeking groups administer low-rent housing. However, because these private outfits running “community housing” are meant to either break even or make a profit, they discriminate against the most hard-up tents (since such tenants would pay the lowest rents or would be most in danger of defaulting on payments). For the same reason “community housing” operators are even stingier on repairing premises than public housing bureaucrats and even more ruthlessly evict tenants. Thus, while “community housing” may offer a better deal for tenants than renting in the rest of the private market, it is still a big step backwards for tenants compared to public housing. Whatgovernmentshavebeen doing, while claiming that theyarecommittedtomaintaininga level of “social housing”, is to convert public housing into “communityhousing.”This is a large stride towards the full privatisation of public housingandisa big step backwards for tenants and all working class people. It is worth noting that the Kensington & Chelsea Tenant Management Organisation that managed London’s destroyed Grenfell Tower and which so callously ignored tenants’ pleas to fix manifest fire and other safety hazards is also a private organisation managing social housing – complete with highly paid managers and consultants. Although, in that case, the housing remained publicly owned, the use of this private “non-profit”, “arms-length management organisation” was designed to both shield the government from criticism for under-funding maintenance and to be a step towards turning the housing into so-called “community housing.” There is little doubt that the move towards turning public housing into “community housing” in London contributed to the tragedy of the Grenfell Tower fire that killed over 80 tenants.
In January 2016, the NSW Liberal government announced that it would transfer 35% of public housing stock to privately-run “community housing” operators over 10 years. The previous year, in their reply to the NSW government’s budget, the ALP state opposition went even further and called for all public housing to be transferred into privately-run, “community housing”! Running the same agenda, the small amount of extra money that the Turnbull federal government has provided for “affordable housing” in its recent budget will not go into increasing public housing supply. Instead, it will be a handout to “community housing” operators in the form of lower interest loans. What is more, the housing thus provided will largely be out of reach of people on the public housing waiting list. For these “community housing” operators will be able to charge up to 80% of the average rent in the area that a house is in. That means that the workers – including rail, tram and bus drivers, ambulance workers, nurses, cleaners, maintenance workers, electricians, water and sewerage workers, taxi drivers, delivery drivers, office assistants and IT support staff – workers who all keep the Sydney CBD going will be largely priced out of living anywhere near their place of work if they want to access such so-called, “community housing”. Even a family living in workingclassAuburnandrelyingona single full-time worker on the minimum wage would have topayoverhalf of their after tax income on rent to live in a two bedroom unit if they wereabletoaccessoneofthese new, supposedly “affordable”, “community housing” dwellings.
The sell-off of public housing is part of the broader privatisation of basic services that has been pursued by Liberal, ALP and Greens federal and state governments alike. The result of these privatisations is that resources that could be used to maintain and expand public services are being transferred into the pockets of rich, private businessmen. Take the case of Sydney’s Desalination Plant. Just two years after it first went into service in 2010, the state government sold off the plant through a 50 year lease to a consortium half-owned by Hastings Funds Management. Hastings is 100% owned by Westpac Bank and manages funds for wealthy big-time local investors. It has been involved in many privatisations throughout this country from airports to electricity to the Port of Newcastle. The government’s privatisation deal is so generous to Hastings and their consortium partner that the government pays them well over half a million dollars per day even when the plant is, actually, shutdown! And it so happens that from a few weeks after the rich private investors took over the plant, the desalination plant has, indeed, been shut (because Sydney’s dam levels were high enough to make the plant unnecessary to operate). By the time the 50 year lease is over, the Westpac-owned Fund and their partner will be handed over $10 billion from out of public coffers even if the plant does not see another single day of operation! (see http://www.abc.net.au/news/2013-09-27/ nsw-desalination-plant-deal-costing-customers-$10-billion/4985168). That’s well over four times what the private buyers paid for the lease! After giving away such “charity” to filthy rich private businessmen, the government then has the hide to say that it has no money left for new public housing – unless, of course, they sell off existing public housing stock.
Now, in the latest chapter in its privatisation binge, the NSW Liberal government is seeking to privatise bus services in Sydney’s Inner West and inner South-West. This will result in the cutting of bus drivers’ jobs and conditions, the axing of unprofitable bus routes and the bypassing of maintenance and safety checks. However, bus drivers are fighting back. On May 18, bus drivers unleashed a powerful, 24 hour snap strike in defiance of a ruling by the Industrial Relations Commission. The drivers, members of the Rail, Tram and Bus union, have followed this up with fare free days. NotoprivatisationofSydneybuses– No to privatisationofpublichousing! To elude exploitation, it’s extremely suggested for an individual to invariably begin by wanting up the varsity to work out whether or not or not it’s junk mail. cialis soft tab Subluxation can occur due to trauma to the area, organ becomes hard and viagra prescription online erect with firm erection. All of these factors make foreign pharmacies the source for the cheapest india viagra online and prescription medication. There are now so many different solutions available to you to discount viagra help you.
As the Huge Banner That Hung Over the 32 High St Action Stated: “Massively Increase Public Housing Now”
The struggle to stop the privatisation of public housing in the Millers Point, Rocks and Dawes Point area is an important part of the fight against the privatisation of public assets and against the sell-off of public housing throughout this country. We actually need a massive increase in public housing. We need it to end homelessness and to house the hundreds of thousands of people on Australian public housing waiting lists. We also need it to house the many more low-paid workers who need low-rent housing but either cannot meet the ridiculously strict waiting list entry criteria or don’t bother to get on the list because waiting times are so outlandishly long. Furthermore, we also need public housing to help the many working class people who rent privately and face unaffordable rents because the shortage of affordable accommodation caused by the dearth of public housing means that private landlords are able to get away with jacking up rents. A substantial increase in public housing will finally pressure landlords in the private market to reduce rents since they will then know that their tenants will have somewhere else to go.
However, the propagandists for the capitalist ruling class say that public housing is outdated. They claim that it is not relevant in today’s world. Yet that argument has a fatal flaw. For in the world’s most populous country, China, the government is actually massively increasing the amount of public housing. This is not only through constructing new public housing. They have also been nationalising existing private housing – the very opposite of what has been happening here. Indeed, so committed has the Peoples Republic of China (PRC) been to public housing that they have provided over 45 million additional public housing dwellings in just the last eight years! As a result, an urban Chinese resident is now some six times more likely to have access to public housing than an urban Australian resident!
One obvious reason why the PRC has been able to so spectacularly increase the provision of public housing for its people is that there is a government commitment there to provide affordable housing to working class people. However, that is not the only reason. The other major factor is that although the ruling bureaucrats in China have since the 1980s allowed a harmful level of private sector capitalists to intrude into their economy, it is still socialistic state-owned enterprises that dominate the economy in the PRC. Thus, a large part of the PRC’s public housing is built by state-owned developers – like the giant China State Construction Engineering Corporation – and is financed by the state-owned banks that thoroughly dominate the PRC’s finance sector. In contrast, here in Australia, many of the resources for public housing ends up in the pockets of private contractors who are hired to perform various stages of the construction and most of the maintenance of public housing. Public funds designated for public housing in Australia produce relatively modest outcomes since so much of every dollar nominally assigned for its construction and maintenance ends up going down the drain into the profitable pockets of wealthy private businessmen.
Just as the expansion of public housing in the PRC is part of the continued dominance of public ownership in China’s economy and part of a concerted state-led drive to lift everyone there out of poverty by 2020, the sell-off of public housing in Australia is part of the ruling class’ ongoing privatisation push and part of their drive to reduce access to services for low- income people. Thus, when we stand up for public housing here, we will also be contributing to a broader struggle to defend the public services that working class people need the most.
Lessons of the Struggle to Keep 32 High St Open for Public Housing
In order to strengthen the upcoming struggles we must learn the hard earned lessons of the fight to stop the forced eviction at 32 High St, Millers Point. Chief among these is to understand the role of the state enforcement organs. After the first day’s success in deterring the sheriff ’s planned eviction of the tenant, the Millers Point community received legal advice that the original eviction notice had been cancelled and that it would take some time before a new eviction order could be processed. Thus, many tenants and supporters felt confident that there would not be a new attempt at eviction for at least a couple of days. This confidence was, in part, generated by our strong victory on the first day but also by an expectation that the state authorities would follow their own bureaucratic procedures and rules. Of course, no one totally ruled out a surprise raid overnight which is why some people stayed in the dwelling and were given the necessary phone tree contacts. However, the belief that a raid was unlikely meant that considerably less forces were mobilised to defend the house overnight than was possible.
Next time, the movement must ensure that there are enough forces to protect the public housing dwelling being targeted for eviction 24/7 regardless of any legal procedures which the authorities may formally be required to follow. The state enforcement institutions often do not follow their own laws and procedures because they are not here to defend the law. They are here to protect the interests of the rich ruling class. This has been the case since the colonial conquest of Australia when the armed personnel of the invading power brutally suppressed Aboriginal peoples’ resistance to the conquest of their lands occupied by the wealthy amongst the colonialists. Since then, these enforcement organs have attacked the picket lines of striking workers, broken strikes, attacked pro-worker and leftist demonstrations, evicted tenants, harassed the homeless, enforced the racist oppression of Aboriginal people and unleashed attacks on scapegoated “ethnic” communities. It is true that police do sometimes catch a rapist or murderer. However, their political function is to enforce the rule of the capitalist, big business owners over the masses. Every time there is a clash between the propertied, exploiting class and the working class masses, the state machine becomes perfected and more entrenched in this purpose and the armed personnel themselves become more conscious of their role. That is why the police and sheriffs are not at all workers in the way that electricians, nurses, construction workers, wharfies and IT workers, for example, are. They are, instead, the hired enforcers of the big end of town. Enforcers who, every time they do a job on the masses, become more and more hardened in their commitment to serve those at the top of this unequal society. With every dirty deed done they become more apt at “justifying” this role to themselves with patronising notions that those doing it the hardest are lazy or otherwise “deserve” their plight and that those resisting the dominance of the ruling class are people causing trouble just for the sake of it. Thus the likes of police, sheriffs, prison guards and prosecutors should have no place in our union movement. Even when they are polite to us that is only so long as we do not resist the unfair status quo in society. It is also, often, just to give us a false sense of security. Many a striking worker has experienced police coming to a picket and joining workers at the BBQ or even kicking a footy around with picketers but the very next day coming back in force with batons unleashed to try and smash the picket and get scabs through.
The laws and regulations that the authorities impose are there to suppress us. Even when there are certain regulations which we have fought for and won to somewhat constrain their powers, they will violate these rules – to the extent we let them get away with it – if that helps them carry out their role of enforcing the interests of the big end of town. We must plan our strategies based on this core understanding.
Another lesson from the 32 High St struggle concerns the role of the media. Over the last several years, the mainstream Australian media has vilified and mocked public housing tenants. However, given the widespread support for public housing in inner-city Sydney, the media occasionally had to give more sympathetic coverage to the plight of Millers Point tenants. Yet, when the struggle against the sell-off of public housing in Millers Point, the Rocks and Dawes Point was taken to a higher, more powerful level through the blockade at 32 High St, the mainstream media again turned more hostile. Channel 7, owned by high- living billionaire Kerry Stokes as well as the government-owned ABC were, in particular, the most shameless in promoting the NSW government and state bureaucrat slanders against the evicted tenant. The mainstream media are happy to occasionally run a sympathetic piece when working class people are simply victims but once we fight back we see the media’s true colours. Their coverage will reflect the class interests of those that own or control them – that is, ultra-wealthy businessmen in the case of Channel 7 or, in the case of the ABC, the rich people’s state that serves the capitalists. We should not expect any support from the mainstream media and, most importantly, wemustnottailorourstruggles just to try andwin support from this media. If, as an exception, the media do happen to give non-hostile coverage to one of our struggles then well and good. But we should do what is best to make our struggles as powerful as possible rather than what will be most acceptable to these hired mouthpieces of billionaire tycoons and capitalist governments.
Even more importantly, what the struggle to stop the eviction at 32 High Street confirmed yet again is that no reliance should be placed on pro-capitalist politicians – even when they claim to be on working class people’s side on a particular issue. Over the last few years, several of these politicians have stated support for the Millers Point and Sirius public housing communities. A few of these politicians have spoken out loudly and passionately against the NSW Coalition government’s sell-off plan for the Millers Point, Rocks and Dawes Point area. Some have even spoken at rallies protesting against the sell-off of public housing in the area including Labor federal deputy opposition leader, Tanya Plibersek, Labor NSW shadow minister for social housing, Tania Mihailuk, state MP for Sydney, Alex Greenwich (an independent), several Greens politicians, “independent” Sydney Lord Mayor Clover Moore and even arch-right wing reactionary Christian Democrat, Fred Nile. However, when Peter Muller was facing eviction and protesters blockaded 32 High Street to try and stop it, most of these politicians refused to take any public stand in support of the action – either verbally or in action. A partial exception was Greens state upper house member, David Shoebridge, who, to his credit, showed up to support the blockade on the first morning. Although some Greens leaders had privately promised that they would bring big numbers to support the blockade, Shoebridge was the lone Greens representative that participated. However, after saying at the blockade “we’re not going anywhere,” Shoebridge then failed to follow through: after the media slandered the tenant and then after the sheriffs and cops were able to enforce the eviction, he did not make any public stand or statement in support of the tenant or the struggle to stop the eviction.
The problem is that the various ALP, Greens and “progressive independent” politicians are as committed to upholding the existing economic-political system as the Liberals. Granted that, unlike the openly anti-working class conservatives, these “progressive” politicians would prefer it if there were some reforms to make life easier for the masses. However, because they acquiesce to the current social “order” and, hence, are committed to accepting its power structures, they are so fixated on not scaring away, or even annoying, the big capitalists that every time working class people engage in an intransigent struggle that can actually make a difference – like a blockade to prevent the eviction of a public housing tenant – their first instinct is to run a mile. Furthermore, with the partial exception of the Greens, these “progressive” politicians do not have any broader commitment to public housing themselves. To be sure, they are against the complete sell-off of public housing in the inner- city because they accept that working class people should be allowed to make up a proportion of city residents. Furthermore, they know that the campaign to save public housing in the Millers Point, Rocks and Dawes Point area is popular and, thus, there are votes in it for them! However, overall they have no commitment to decisively increasing the amount of public housing. Far from it! As we have noted above, the ALP while in government federally by itself – and when in government in a de-facto coalition with the Greens – oversaw the slashing of the amount of public housing. Today, they join the Liberals in hiding behind rhetoric about a commitment to “social housing,” while calling for public housing to be converted into “community” housing which, as we have described above, is a big and sorry step towards full privatisation.
It is worth noting that the large banner that hung over the 32 High St blockade, stating “Massively Increase Public Housing Now,” was actually first used in a protest against Tanya Plibersek when she was the federal housing minister in the first Rudd government. One of our comrades made that banner for that November 2009 protest that Trotskyist Platform called outside Tanya Plibersek’s office because of the then ALP federal government’s woefully inadequate outlay of resources for public housing. That rally turned out to be the first onthestreets action for public housing in NSW in the resurgence of activism around defence of public housing that has taken place over the last seven and a half years and which must be, now, desperately intensified. As a representative of the CFMEU construction workers union, delivering a message of solidarity to that 2009 rally from the union’s then NSW president, stated: “since the mid-1970s, successive Governments have failed to adequately deliver sufficient public housing for those in our society who need such shelter.” Indeed, then housing minister Tanya Plibersek later joined with the then ALP NSW government to orchestrate the sell-off of large amounts of public housing in Claymore near Campbelltown and in Glebe. This added to similar schemes already being implemented by the then ALP state government to reduce the proportion of public housing in Minto and Bonyrigg. In Claymore, the Plibersek-NSW ALP government joint plan involved the privatisation of a quarter of the public housing in what had been the biggest public housing estate in NSW (see Plibersek’s own press release here: http://www.formerministers.dss.gov.au/2181/tp_m_ nswhousingprojects_7june2010/) – a disastrous outcome for working class people that was deepened even further by subsequent conservative NSW governments.
The fact is that when it was in government in NSW, the ALP actually sold off more public housing than the arrogant Liberals later have. Thus, in the last eight years of the former ALP government up to 2011, they slashed the public housing stock in NSW by 11%. When population growth is taken into account, this represents a cut in the amount of public housing coverage by close to one in five. Indeed, it was that previous ALP state government that actually began the sale of public housing in Millers Point. In two lots, they sold off 36 vacant homes (http://www.smh.com.au/nsw/residents-stick-to-their-point-of- community-20121025-288bh.html) in the late noughties while holding back on the repair and maintenance of the existing homes. This paved the way for the conservatives to come in with their sledge hammer approach and sell off the houses from under the very feet of public housing tenants.
In the case of Tanya Plibersek there is also a particular conflict of interest that, additionally, holds her back from following through on her claimed support for public housing in the area. Her husband, Michael Coutts-Trotter is one of the chief bureaucrats overseeing the sell-off of public housing in the Millers Point, Rocks and Dawes Point area. He is the head of the Department of Family and Community Services. When the government announced its decision to sell off the public housing in the area, Coutts-Trotter stood right alongside Community Services minister, Pru Goward, in pushing the lies and spin justifying the sale, stating that:
“There is massive demand for residential housing in this area; it [the sell- off] is going to free up a very large amount of money for reinvestment in social housing.”
– TheSydneyMorningHerald, 19 March 2014, http://www. smh.com.au/nsw/sydney-waterfront-public-housing-proper- ties-to-be-sold-off-20140319-351fs.html
Even more significant here than any personal conflict of interest for Plibersek is the more fundamental conflict between the ALP’s stated purpose to improve the lives of working class people and the reality that its strategy to achieve this, through administering the capitalist state, necessarily – whether the particular individual involved is taking part in administering this state as a high-level bureaucrat or as a government minister – means enforcing the interests of the capitalist exploiters against the interests of working class people.
That is why the struggle for public housing – just like all campaigns for the rights of working class people – must not rely at all on pro-capitalist politicians but, instead, rely entirely on the power and unity of working class people, our trade unions and other downtrodden sections of the community. Most crucially, we must ensure that the direction of the movement is not in the least modified to ensure acceptance by any mainstream politicians that state support for the campaign. Given that those pro-establishment politicians claiming to support the Millers Point struggle are not more broadly for public housing, they have been pulling the campaign towards narrowly focusing on the particularities of the Millers Point/Rocks/ Dawes Point area rather than emphasising that the campaign is part of the overall fight to defend public housing everywhere. Any step in this direction weakens the ability of the campaign to inspire broader support from public housing tenants elsewhere, from those on the public housing waiting list and from other opponents of privatisation. Furthermore, any narrowing of the focus to just the Millers Point/Rocks/Dawes Point area can end up being manipulated by the NSW Liberal government to spin its devious narrative about the issue. As we saw all too clearly with the struggle to stop the eviction at 32 High St, the state government is trying to sell people the utterly despicable and cynical lie that they are selling off public housing in Millers Point for the good of public housing elsewhere and that those tenants resisting are selfish people protecting their own interests at the expense of tenants elsewhere. This underscores why it is vital that the movement disregards the sensibilities of any pro-capitalist politicians pledging support and ever more forthrightly make front and centre of the campaign the idea that its struggle to stop the sell-off of public housing in the CBD area is part of a broader fight to oppose the slashing of public housing everywhere and is, in fact, part and parcel of the struggle to win a massive increase in public housing in Australia. It is a struggle on the side of all public housing tenants, a struggle on the side of all those on the public housing waiting lists, a struggle for the many more working class people who need public housing but aren’t on the waiting list and a fight that stands by the interests of the many working class people who rent privately and face unaffordable rents. More broadly, we must ever more directly locate this campaign as part of the struggle against the ruling class’ attacks on all public services and a struggle against their attacks on our trade unions. Any undermining of public housing is an attack on our unions because like other measures which target the poor and unemployed they make the prospect of life after losing one’s job so unbearably miserable that it can intimidate some workers – fearful of being sacked by the boss or being identified as one of the staunch unionists who are invariably at the top of the bosses’ list to be axed in the event of retrenchments – from participating in the union fight for rights at work.
There’s Still Time Left to Stop and Reverse the Public Housing Sell-Off
It is true that the government has managed to drive out most of the public housing tenants from the Millers Point, Rocks and Dawes Point area. However, a few tenants remain. Most significantly, many of the public housing dwellings have still not been sold off and still less have been occupied. While vacated houses remain unoccupied there remains the chance to build mass action – buttressed by the power of our trade unions – to reclaim these dwellings for public use. These unoccupied houses should be used to shelter the homeless and those on the public housing waiting list and not sold off to greedy developers and wealthy speculators!
Furthermore, there has been an event internationally that should give this struggle new hope. This is connected to the fact that part of what is driving the NSW government’s obsessive campaign against Millers Point public housing is not only its overall push to slash public housing but, additionally, its subservience to the interests of billionaire James Packer whose Crown Group is building a high rollers casino and six-star hotel in the very nearby Barangaroo. For Packer and his government servants, having working class people in the area is an “eyesore” for the wealthy clientele who they hope will frequent the luxury resort that Packer expects to make billions from. Meanwhile, the NSW government is determined to clear out working class tenants in order to help its rich developer mates make a fortune from turning Millers Point into luxury accommodation for resort executives and patrons. However, although Packer can get whatever he wants in capitalist Australia he found that things are not the same in China. On June 26, the Peoples Republic of China (PRC) jailed 16 of his wealthy executives after they all pleaded guilty to charges of illegally luring Chinese high rollers to use Packer’s casinos in Australia and elsewhere. One of Crown corporation’s highest flying executives, Melbourne-based boss of VIP operations Jason O’Connor received a 10 month sentence. The PRC, understandably, wants to stop money flows to casino accounts being used to subvert its strict control on money movements by the rich. Under the PRC’s socialistic system it is public ownership that dominates, not the interests of rich private sector bigwigs. The effect of the PRC’s crackdown is that it has shown Packer and his henchmen that they will not be able to get away with illegally luring casino clients from China. Without customers from the world’s most populous country, Packer’s Barangaroo casino may now be unviable and media are reporting that Crown is reconsidering the entire project. If the resort project is indeed killed off then that would not only potentially allow the scenic Barangaroo area to be used for what it should be – for public recreational space or badly needed public housing – but would also remove part of the fuel powering the government’s turbo-charged drive to kick out public housing tenants from Millers Point. Furthermore, even if the China arrests do not in themselves kill Crown’s casino project, we should use the blow that the Peoples Republic of China has landed against Packer and his henchmen to encourage our own struggle here. For these blows have shown that Packer and his fellow billionaires are not invincible. What we must do is unite working class people to fight back against the tyranny of the tycoons and stand up to the governments and state institutions that serve the marauding tycoons’ interests.
The struggle for public housing is a key battleground in the overall struggle of working class people against the all-sided offensive that the capitalist rulers are waging against their rights. For three and a half decades, Australia’s filthy rich corporate bosses and the governments that serve them have waged a war on working class people’s rights: they have sold off public housing, cut off payments to low-income single mothers, made TAFE and university more expensive, underfunded public schools and public hospitals, attacked our unions, casualised the workforce, sacked workers whenever that helps them make even more profits and made life for those not fortunate enough to have a job even more miserable. It is time for us and our unions to fight back! The Millers Point, Rocks and Dawes Point tenants resisting the sell-off of public housing have opened up a new front in our fightback. Let’s mobilise behind this struggle with ever greater vigour. The way we trade unionists, public housing tenants and other supporters of working class interests were able to repulse the sheriff who was set to evict the 32 High St tenant on the first day of that battle shows the power that we have. By learning the lessons of the subsequent defeat of that 32 High St battle – most importantly that the state institutions were created to serve the exclusive interests of the big end of town which means we cannot trust them to abide by their own rules and procedures – by learning important lessons like this we can win future victories. The way that the public housing tenants and ex-tenants of Millers Point, the Rocks and Dawes Point have so resiliently resisted in the face of incessant pressure should inspire us to give it our best shot. The future rests in our strong, working class hands.